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Cabet (search for this): chapter 7
k in March, 1849, by the steamship United States, which was twenty-eight days on the passage, and this gave rise to the fear that she was lost. Shortly after his return he expressed the hope, in some notes for the Tribune, that certain French industrial associations, which were thought to embody the better part of the revolution, would survive, but one after another they disappeared, and were finally followed by the failure of Icaria, a socialistic society established by a Frenchman named Cabet, near Nauvoo, in Illinois. The fatal defects in all these societies, like that of Brook Farm, were insufficient capital and an insufficient number of the right kind of socialists. But Dana, although discouraged, did not give up his interest in the subject. In an editorial on the approaching election in France, he wrote: New York Tribune, April 24, 1849. Let no man be frightened by the terms social and Socialist as adopted by the Democratic journals of France. They are Socialists
Bern (search for this): chapter 7
nest and sympathetic, rather than positive and dogmatic. They show a great desire — a sincere hope for the amelioration of the human lot everywhere. All honest efforts to that end undoubtedly had his support, but there was a note of uncertainty throughout his writings based upon the undeniable fact that hope is a word implying doubt, and that he was not without apprehensions. The revolution in Austria was at this time still claiming the attention and exciting the interest of the world. Bern, the Polish hero, was fighting the battle of the Hungarians in the field, while Kossuth was pleading their cause in the press and on the forum with marvellous eloquence. Dana, true to his sympathies, gave them unstinted praise in the Tribune. His pen was ever true to the call of the downtrodden and oppressed. Liberty was the supreme blessing of mankind then, as it always remained, to him, and this was as true in the case of an individual as in the case of a race or nation. He looked upon F
Arthur Sumner (search for this): chapter 7
s, politicians, and statesmen. Missouri Compromises, Wilmot Provisos, the Omnibus Resolutions, Squatter Sovereignty, the Nebraska Bill, the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, the prohibition of slavery in the territories, the dissolution of the Union, the preservation of the Union, were subjects of absorbing interest more or less constantly under discussion. The great public men of the period were Clay, Webster, and Calhoun; while Benton, Dayton, Davis, Douglas, Crittenden, Sumner, Foote, Seward, and Mangum were lesser lights; but each was striving in his own way to compose the differences between the sections by compromises and arrangements, which it was hoped would not only save the Union, but would also save slavery where it legally existed, and put an end forever to the discussion of the slavery question. Each did his part according to his lights, but still the agitation went on with ever-increasing intensity, because the more it was discussed, the more evident i
William Charles Macready (search for this): chapter 7
ible rivalry existing for some years between Edwin Forrest, the American tragedian, and William Charles Macready, an English actor of distinction then on a tour of the United States, the friends of Forrest took violent measures to prevent Macready from acting in New York, and brought about a bloody disturbance for the suppression of which both the police and the military forces were called out. Soy-six wounded. Great excitement prevailed for a week. The best citizens took part in behalf of Macready's protection and his right to act. The newspapers led in the discussion, and in the end the cau prevailed. The country papers took sides, and one published at Wilkesbarre strenuously denied Macready's right to act if a part of the people disapproved of him. This brought out the Tribune in strenuous defence of Macready, on the broad ground that his rights as a man were superior to other people's prejudices. This article was written by Dana, and had in it all the ring which afterwards char
William L. Dayton (search for this): chapter 7
n were the daily occupation of editors, politicians, and statesmen. Missouri Compromises, Wilmot Provisos, the Omnibus Resolutions, Squatter Sovereignty, the Nebraska Bill, the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, the prohibition of slavery in the territories, the dissolution of the Union, the preservation of the Union, were subjects of absorbing interest more or less constantly under discussion. The great public men of the period were Clay, Webster, and Calhoun; while Benton, Dayton, Davis, Douglas, Crittenden, Sumner, Foote, Seward, and Mangum were lesser lights; but each was striving in his own way to compose the differences between the sections by compromises and arrangements, which it was hoped would not only save the Union, but would also save slavery where it legally existed, and put an end forever to the discussion of the slavery question. Each did his part according to his lights, but still the agitation went on with ever-increasing intensity, because the more
William Lloyd Garrison (search for this): chapter 7
y to disturbances in the Northern States, where slavery had many apologists. It was no uncommon thing for ignorant and intolerant partisans to interfere with antislavery meetings, especially where the speakers were orators of such prominence as Garrison, Phillips, and Lovejoy. Frederick Douglass, the eloquent negro speaker, was frequently prohibited from speaking, and in many parts of the North, where the Democratic party prevailed, it was positively dangerous for him to make his appearance. While Dana freely admitted that some of these persons, especially Garrison, might not be all that he ought to be, he vehemently contended that there must be no interference with his rights as a man, and, above all, no infringement of the right of free speech, no matter what might be the pretext. He regarded this as one of the inalienable rights of American citizenship, and stood for it to the day of his death, strenuously and without flinching, not only for himself and every other man as a man
May (search for this): chapter 7
roader questions of social and governmental reform, and the means by which they were to be obtained, it is evident that his ideas of personal and popular liberty rested upon a solidly basis. That he sympathized deeply with the European revolutions is apparent in every line of his editorials as well as his correspondence. It is also apparent that the underlying foundation of this sympathy rested rather upon hatred of absolutism than upon any exaggerated love of free government. It was in May of this year that the Macready riots took place in New York. In consequence of a misunderstanding, and of possible rivalry existing for some years between Edwin Forrest, the American tragedian, and William Charles Macready, an English actor of distinction then on a tour of the United States, the friends of Forrest took violent measures to prevent Macready from acting in New York, and brought about a bloody disturbance for the suppression of which both the police and the military forces were
March, 1849 AD (search for this): chapter 7
Chapter 6: return to New York journalism Continued confidence in socialistic experiments praises Kossuth MacREADYeady riots antislavery agitation General Taylor elected president Greeley, Dana, and the tribune Opposes carpenters' strike favors free speech and free press protective tariff land reform Pacific Railroad Dana arrived at New York in March, 1849, by the steamship United States, which was twenty-eight days on the passage, and this gave rise to the fear that she was lost. Shortly after his return he expressed the hope, in some notes for the Tribune, that certain French industrial associations, which were thought to embody the better part of the revolution, would survive, but one after another they disappeared, and were finally followed by the failure of Icaria, a socialistic society established by a Frenchman named Cabet, near Nauvoo, in Illinois. The fatal defects in all these societies, like that of Brook Farm, were insufficient capital and an i
March, 1850 AD (search for this): chapter 7
on in saving that State from the curse of slavery. While it is inconsistent with the purposes and limits of this memoir to give a complete history of this important period, or even an exhaustive resume of Dana's contributions, I shall endeavor to set forth his views and arguments, as found in the columns of the Tribune, with sufficient fulness to show the important part he played and the great influence he exerted in the final settlement of the momentous questions of this decade. In March, 1850, one of the first strikes of the New York carpenters occurred, and Dana, notwithstanding his own recent strike for a higher salary, at once recorded himself against it as a measure which could be of no permanent value. True to his convictions, he pointed out, then and frequently afterwards, that the remedy for such injustice as existed should be looked for in association, or cooperative carpentering, but he failed to indicate the essential difference between his plan and that of the str
1846 AD (search for this): chapter 7
c, an enterprise which he considered as by far the most important in its character and consequences yet presented for public consideration. He contendd that there was no hope of financing the undertaking, except by using the public lands as a source of capital, coupled with a judicious scheme for the colonization of the region through which the road should be located. This was in 1850, and it is a noteworthy fact that at that early date he favored the plans of Asa Whitney, who, as early as 1846, had made a proposition to the government for the construction of a line from the western end of Lake Michigan to the Pacific Ocean. The first speech in the Senate in advocacy of the general measure was made by Senator Breeze, of Illinois, but the bill which was finally passed was introduced by Senator Benton, of Missouri, in 1849. Dana gave this scheme his heartiest approval and support from the first, and urged that should the bounty land bill become a law, as he feared it would, it shoul
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