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Everett (search for this): chapter 9
bune reduces expenses continued opposition to slavery against the know-nothing movement manifest Destiny failure of Fourierism bleeding Kansas organization of Republican party sleeping-cars suggested Defends the press Having failed to elect a president who at least stood for an undivided Whig party, as well as for an undivided Union, the Tribune threw itself with all its accustomed energy again into the discussion of current politics and current diplomacy. Having commended Mr. Everett, who was secretary of state in Fillmore's cabinet, in the highest terms for his glowing and remarkable despatch in reference to this country's interests and aims in regard to Cuba, and having shown the unfitness of Cuba as well as the rest of the West India Islands for incorporation, at that time, into the Union, it left that subject with the declaration that, We want no more ebony additions to the republic. It took but little interest in the current discussion of Manifest Destiny, or th
Manifest Destiny (search for this): chapter 9
as the rest of the West India Islands for incorporation, at that time, into the Union, it left that subject with the declaration that, We want no more ebony additions to the republic. It took but little interest in the current discussion of Manifest Destiny, or the gradual absorption of the entire continent and its outlying island, because it believed that Douglas, Cass, and the other Northern statesmen who favored this doctrine were mere allies of the Southerners, who were thought by many to b Shall they come to us as free or slave States? This question seems to us by far the most momentous and vital of any now affecting our national politics. It should be noted here that at that time, in spite of opposition, the doctrine of Manifest Destiny was a popular one. It was doubtless encouraged by leading Democratic statesmen in the North with a view to restoring the balance of power between the slave and the free States. It was generally believed that Canada would naturally come int
Pierre Soule (search for this): chapter 9
Americans, that those who have come hither from Europe to find a home blest with liberty and plenty shall be permanently excluded from political rights here, including the right to be chosen whenever a majority shall see fit to choose them, we resist the demand as eminently and profoundly un-American, as well as anti-Republican. If our political fabric is not a gigantic he from foundation to turret, this exclusion is monstrous and suicidal. The year 1855 began with a fierce attack on Pierre Soule, the returning minister to Spain. His appointment was ascribed to the influence of the filibusters, who were said to have favored it as the best means of acquiring Cuba in the interest of slavery. That institution, it will be recalled, had not yet been abolished in the island, and the African slave-trade, although regarded by all the leading nations as piracy, was still carried on in the interest of the sugar planters. This article was followed by editorials and correspondence denounci
Thurlow Weed (search for this): chapter 9
mes admit that they have not made anything in three years existence, and also that, with thirty-five thousand circulation, they can't make anything at present prices. To the Tribune it will make a difference from the start of twelve hundred dollars a week, or sixty-two thousand dollars a year. This will leave something for leeway. The Whigs have got to nominate Greeley for governor and fight the Know-nothings, who are going in on a bargain to elect Bronson governor and Fillmore senator. Weed and the other leaders admit that Greeley is the only man who will do at all for the battle. The Softs will run Seymour on the rum tack, and it will be an interesting contest.... Snow tells me he has sacrificed mining property for which he had paid twelve thousand dollars cash, and glad to get off so. Greeley has fared worse. Why, last week he had to let good lands in Pike County, Pennsylvania, on which he had paid five thousand dollars, go to the dogs because he couldn't raise five hund
Frederick Hudson (search for this): chapter 9
carried it against us, and cut the Tribune down. I don't believe it will do any permanent harm, though it must bring down the weekly to about one hundred thousand, I calculate. The saving effected by the change is some five hundred and fifty dollars a week-no trifle in these times. In addition to this, I am negotiating for a simultaneous rise to three cents by all the three papers. The Times is glad enough of the chance, and the Herald, I suppose, will come into the arrangement; at least Hudson says he is in favor of it, and when Bennett comes home, in about a fortnight, I shall push for immediate execution. The Tribune folks have agreed, and appointed me to settle it. I reckon that all three papers doing it together, neither one can suffer the slightest injury. There's no fear of any new competition; three hundred thousand dollars would scarcely suffice to create a new journal to hold its own with these three, and as for any serious decline in the demand for papers, that is stil
Stephen A. Douglas (search for this): chapter 9
nciples Defeat of General Scott for president filibustering Opposes Douglas's Nebraska bill tribune reduces expenses continued opposition to slavery ation of the entire continent and its outlying island, because it believed that Douglas, Cass, and the other Northern statesmen who favored this doctrine were mere alng, truculent, and belligerent. It opposed with all its power the movement of Douglas to override and repeal the Missouri Compromise as a breach of solemn compact b the presidency. It brought forward every argument it could formulate against Douglas and his Nebraska bill, as intended to put into the hands of the dominant partyomise, should have been forever dedicated to freedom. It denounced Pierce and Douglas, not only as confederates with each other, but as allies of the slave power in free State; and under the principles of popular sovereignty, as propounded by Douglas and those who concurred with him, the free State men had just as much right to
Fillmore (search for this): chapter 9
an undivided Whig party, as well as for an undivided Union, the Tribune threw itself with all its accustomed energy again into the discussion of current politics and current diplomacy. Having commended Mr. Everett, who was secretary of state in Fillmore's cabinet, in the highest terms for his glowing and remarkable despatch in reference to this country's interests and aims in regard to Cuba, and having shown the unfitness of Cuba as well as the rest of the West India Islands for incorporation, hundred dollars a week, or sixty-two thousand dollars a year. This will leave something for leeway. The Whigs have got to nominate Greeley for governor and fight the Know-nothings, who are going in on a bargain to elect Bronson governor and Fillmore senator. Weed and the other leaders admit that Greeley is the only man who will do at all for the battle. The Softs will run Seymour on the rum tack, and it will be an interesting contest.... Snow tells me he has sacrificed mining property
George Washington (search for this): chapter 9
e two. It is a certain historical fact that the conservative men in the slave-holding States, the sort of men who composed the late Whig party in those States, with all their excellent and admirable qualities, never have been able to exercise any considerable influence even at home, and much less upon national politics, except as they were supported, maintained, and upheld by a powerful Northern party in which they never took the lead except to lead it to ruin. It was so in the days of Washington and John Adams. It has been so in our time. The whole course of our national history testifies in a voice not to be mistaken that the only way to enable the conservative men of the slave-holding States to make the slightest movement towards coming forward and aiding in undoing the wrong of which we complain, is to organize at the North a powerful party having that very object in view, and to which that aid can be afforded. Such declarations as these, and hundreds more which could be
William H. Seward (search for this): chapter 9
point, there never should be another slave-hunt on the soil of a free State, no matter how great the cost. If the slave States choose to separate from the free on that account, we should bid them go in peace, doing our best to preserve amity though the bonds of fraternity were severed. The foregoing extracts are undoubtedly from the pen of Greeley. They indicate clearly the attitude which he is known to have held then and afterwards. They foreshadow the position assumed later both by Seward and Lincoln, that a house divided against itself cannot stand, that the Union could not continue to exist half free and half slave. They contain the first use of the word dough-face as the designation of a Northern man who truckled to the South, also one of the earliest declarations in favor of letting the slave States go in peace. But now comes an extract from an editorial bearing on the Know-nothing or Native-American movement, which was becoming active at that time. It is conceived in
Bronson (search for this): chapter 9
emi-weekly. The proprietors of the Times admit that they have not made anything in three years existence, and also that, with thirty-five thousand circulation, they can't make anything at present prices. To the Tribune it will make a difference from the start of twelve hundred dollars a week, or sixty-two thousand dollars a year. This will leave something for leeway. The Whigs have got to nominate Greeley for governor and fight the Know-nothings, who are going in on a bargain to elect Bronson governor and Fillmore senator. Weed and the other leaders admit that Greeley is the only man who will do at all for the battle. The Softs will run Seymour on the rum tack, and it will be an interesting contest.... Snow tells me he has sacrificed mining property for which he had paid twelve thousand dollars cash, and glad to get off so. Greeley has fared worse. Why, last week he had to let good lands in Pike County, Pennsylvania, on which he had paid five thousand dollars, go to the do
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