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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans). Search the whole document.

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January 26th (search for this): chapter 6
rnors of the South seaboard States being fully informed of the purpose of the administration to hold and to garrison the forts on their coasts, took possession of such of them as could be reduced to possession without bloodshed. Elections for delegates to State conventions were held in several States, during these threatening movements of the Federal administration, resulting in the secession of Mississippi January 9th, Florida and Alabama January 19th, Georgia January 19th and Louisiana January 26th. So well satisfied in the beginning of this year were the Southern members of Congress as to the hopelessness of any compromise and the purpose of the new secretary of war to use all the force he could command to coerce the States that certain senators from Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Mississippi and Florida held a meeting in Washington, on January 5th, and agreed to a set of resolutions asking for instructions from their respective States whether they should remain in
October 11th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 6
ady use as money and was in fact so employed. Senator Clay, of Alabama, declared that the enemy by counterfeiting our currency had aimed one of the deadliest blows at our cause. They had boldly advertised these counterfeits for sale and among their dead who fell in battle it. was rare to find one who had not on his person more or less of spurious Confederate treasury notes. Some law to repress this counterfeiting by providing a speedy punishment should be passed. The bill was passed October 11, 1862. The signal military successes of the Confederate armies occurring through 1862 encouraged the Confederate Congress to hope that a just and honorable peace might be concluded. There was always a general popular opinion that the Confederate government should seize every opportunity to bring the issue between the two governments to a peaceful solution. The government was constantly made aware of this disposition of the people, and was as constantly on the alert to find the occasion w
December 24th (search for this): chapter 6
emocrats calling themselves war Democrats and announcing their devotion to the Union held a party conference at Chicago November 24, 1863, preliminary to the call for a national Democratic meeting in May, 1864. Another convention of Union men had assembled at Rochester, who also denounced secession and declared their opposition to the unconstitutional acts of the administration, and this was followed by still another convention held in Cincinnati December 4th, and again in Philadelphia December 24th, at which the conservative platform adopted by the legislature of Kentucky January 11, 1863, was made the basis of party union, and General McClellan was recommended as a candidate for the Presidency. There were enough elements of dissatisfaction in these various conventions to give Mr. Lincoln some fears and the Confederacy some hope that the party in power could be overthrown. The Congressional maneuvers for party advantage appear in the yet more distinct avowals made by the administ
1868 AD (search for this): chapter 6
devised by the wisdom of the general-in-chief of the armies to destroy it by depletion, depending on our superior numbers to win the victory at last. The battle for the Union was accordingly transferred in 1864 from the soldiers in the field to the sufferers in the prisons. Victory was to be won over the South by the confinement of fighting men in prisons, although they should die there like sheep in the shambles. A statement of Colonel Ould, agent of exchange, was made and published in 1868, verifying the facts concerning the questions relating to prisoners between the two governments and his testimony remains unimpeached. He says that the first cartel of exchange, which bears date July 22, 1862, was designed to secure the delivery of all prisoners of war, the fourth article providing that all prisoners of war should be discharged on parole in ten days after their capture. From this date until the summer of 1863 the Confederacy held the excess of prisoners, and during that int
October 13th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 6
e army, $18,--660,189; transportation of troops, etc, $7,404,075; sub-sistence of prisoners of war $200,000; bounty of $50 to soldiers $3, ooo,000; medical and hospital supplies $400,000; deficit in postoffice department $800,000; deficit in quartermaster's department $39,000,000; interest on the public debt $2,500,000; subsistence of the army $6,571,672.91. The total appropriation was $85,000,000. Having been in laborious session during two months of great excitement Congress adjourned October 13, 1862. Chapter 18: United States measures, civil and military. Emancipation proclamation the necessity of it effect the Southern view negro enrollment in Northern armies meeting of Confederate Congress message debates resolutions army movements the Confederate situation. the proclamation of September, 1862, was designed by President Lincoln as the precursor of the proclamation of emancipation dated to begin with the year 1863. Mr. Lincoln was himself opposed to t
May 13th, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 6
ips, and the fear was reasonable that an increase of the Confederate navy of that pattern might effectually ruin all commerce by vessels bearing the United States flag. Mr. Adams, the American minister at London, raised the question with Lord Russell during the latter part of 1862, submitting formally to him the views of the United States government on the rights and obligations of neutrals. The reply of Lord Russell sharply reminded Mr. Adams that the Queen's neutrality proclamation of May 13, 1861, had been set at naught by the agents of the United States, who had bought and shipped from British ports to New York, vast supplies of arms and warlike stores. The Confederacy had likewise procured munitions of war in the same way, but his Lordship writes that the party which has profited by far the most by these unjustifiable practices has been the government of the United States. After which rebuke the British earl formally stated the history of the Alabama's construction under the n
July 4th, 1851 AD (search for this): chapter 6
and others equally eminent, provoked a popular hostility which displayed itself not in harmless, local mass meetings only, but in positive revolutionary legislation by States. A Massachusetts convention was called to denounce all who were concerned in securing the passage of these compromise bills, and the noble Webster, greatest of New England men of any age, fell under condemnation. A New England republic was so much talked about as to draw out from Caleb Cushing an eloquent appeal on July 4, 1851, for the Union. I have endeavored to picture to myself, he said, that republic of New England to the adoption of which the inconsiderateness of many among us, the perverseness of others, and the criminally ambitious vanity of a few are, by their assaults on the Union, endeavoring to bring the people of Massachusetts. We dissolve the Union under the impulse of a blind, bigoted and one-sided zeal in the pursuit of our own opinions. But the New England republic which had been talked of f
December 22nd, 1860 AD (search for this): chapter 6
ntial but given to the public in 1885: Springfield, Dec. 21, 1860. Hon. E. B. Washburne, My Dear Sir:—Last night I received your letter giving an account of your interview with Gen. Scott, for which I thank you. Please present my respects to the General and tell him confidentially I shall be obliged to him to be as well prepared as he can to either hold or retake the forts as the case may require at and after the inauguration. Yours, as ever, A. Lincoln. On the next day, December 22d, 1860, Mr. Lincoln wrote to Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, a letter marked For your eye only, in which he asks, Do the people of the South entertain fears that a Republican administration would directly or indirectly interfere with the slaves, or with them about their slaves? If they do I wish to assure you as once a friend and still I hope not an enemy, that there is no cause for fears. (War between the States I, 267.) Taking up agan the proceedings of Congress for brief review, the severe
1897 AD (search for this): chapter 6
sentiment, or indorsed it, that slavery is the corner stone of the Confederacy. That is not my utterance. It is not conceivable, said General Stephen D. Lee, in 1897, that the statesmen of the Union were incompetent to dispose of slavery without war. It will become clear to any who will conservatively reflect on the conditio marshals, and escorted by regular cavalry; behind them armed infantry and marines marching by regiments, all of which gave to the scene, says Mr. Stephen Fiske in 1897, an appearance more like escorting a prisoner to his doom than a President to his inauguration. For this unsightly employment of military force Mr. Lincoln was noion for a large colony of pensioned Union soldiers and their families and friends emigrating chiefly from the West. The new city of Fitzgerald, said to contain in 1897 several thousand Northern colonists, was built in the section where the Andersonville prison was constructed. This location was chosen as a prison site on account
December 21st, 1860 AD (search for this): chapter 6
reported the entire correspondence between themselves and the United States executive, and the convention having concluded its work adjourned the 5th of January, 1861. It is a noteworthy incident of the times that on the 21st of December, the day after the secession of South Carolina, and nearly a week before the occupation of any fort by South Carolina, Mr. Lincoln wrote the following letter to Mr. E. B. Washburne, marked Confidential but given to the public in 1885: Springfield, Dec. 21, 1860. Hon. E. B. Washburne, My Dear Sir:—Last night I received your letter giving an account of your interview with Gen. Scott, for which I thank you. Please present my respects to the General and tell him confidentially I shall be obliged to him to be as well prepared as he can to either hold or retake the forts as the case may require at and after the inauguration. Yours, as ever, A. Lincoln. On the next day, December 22d, 1860, Mr. Lincoln wrote to Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, a l
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