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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 13. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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Austria (Austria) (search for this): chapter 21
number who made no effort to correct the evil. Their earnest desire for far more potent political machinery than they had been accustomed to handle, and the zeal of those who openly pursued the path to abolition without regard to the considerations of justice, of good faith, or even of kindly feeling, seem to have inspired a settled design. Paper restrictions upon power rarely seem to operate as restraints when the opportunity for gratification occurs. Arguments in favor of the title of Austria to Silesia would have proved a small obstacle to Frederick the Great, when he stretched forth his arm to seize it from the feeble and the failing grasp of a puny neighbor. Nor would the North and the East have been persuaded to forbear, by consideration of good faith or of fraternal obligation, when they were once shown that the abolition of negro slavery, and a political revolution favorable to their sectional power and to the increase of their share of Federal wealth, in its distribution
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 21
those who had so plainly committed the first and most palpable sin. Are the non-slaveholding States, and especially is New England, which benefitted so largely by the Union, in its escape from the penalties of Shay's rebellion and in the profits of tes and of Davis and Lee. It, together with Lunt's history of The Origin of the Late War, place Massachusetts, and the New England States, in a position such as no enlightened and honorable, to say nothing of Christian communities occupy anywhere inanything to do with the wrong to Noah, and by this time Noah has been convicted of so many sinful efforts to foist the new England lingo upon a confiding public, instead of the old English tongue, that he can have no heart to avenge private griefs, iples of true and enlightened States rights, and I should always be willing to embark my destinies with them. Let the New England States come, with the intolerance and the odium theologium, if you will, of their early days, within their own domain,
Silesia (search for this): chapter 21
made no effort to correct the evil. Their earnest desire for far more potent political machinery than they had been accustomed to handle, and the zeal of those who openly pursued the path to abolition without regard to the considerations of justice, of good faith, or even of kindly feeling, seem to have inspired a settled design. Paper restrictions upon power rarely seem to operate as restraints when the opportunity for gratification occurs. Arguments in favor of the title of Austria to Silesia would have proved a small obstacle to Frederick the Great, when he stretched forth his arm to seize it from the feeble and the failing grasp of a puny neighbor. Nor would the North and the East have been persuaded to forbear, by consideration of good faith or of fraternal obligation, when they were once shown that the abolition of negro slavery, and a political revolution favorable to their sectional power and to the increase of their share of Federal wealth, in its distribution amongst th
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 21
d freedom. Rather a poor prospect! For, all or anything that a free or brave people wants in a government is a union with such people as these. Poor enough, it would seem, if we are to judge of the future by the past. And yet, we say unhesitatingly, give us a Union like the last when it was founded, if it is to be administered upon Mr. Jefferson's plan—that is, upon States rights principles. It was this last failure that wrecked our past venture. Give us all the land between Canada and Mexico, associated on a system of free republics, of associated corporate societies, with the united energies and common light of all to push them ahead. Give to their people free thought, free action, free will cribbed, cabined and confined by nothing more than the responsibilities to just law and enlightened order. Regulate such a people by the principles of true and enlightened States rights, and I should always be willing to embark my destinies with them. Let the New England States come, wit
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 21
the negro question, when he perceived that Massachusetts was gradually substituting such a man as Sand costly marble. Will posterity absolve Massachusetts from the shame of the comparative treatmenhe obligations between sections. But, has Massachusetts shown any such delicacy of forbearance or ith death and an agreement with hell. Can Massachusetts hope to escape, at some time or other, a ts undoubtedly a sin of a deep dye. Has not Massachusetts done both recently in the late contest? Fd into the Union but for the supposition. Massachusetts was anxious for the Union on account of thf Shay's rebellion. The Union was formed, Massachusetts was secured, and if the South was not guarstory of The Origin of the Late War, place Massachusetts, and the New England States, in a position world depart to return no more, otherwise Massachusetts would have heard thy voice of reproach, releeping unawakened and idle throughout all Massachusetts, notwithstanding the wrongs which call so
Indiana (Indiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 21
ewhere expresses the wish that professors of constitutional facts in our colleges could be appointed as well as of laws. With his view of the stupendous mischiefs which have been effected by the perverters of the constitutional history, indeed there should be. With his view of Lincoln's opinions, derived, as he seems to think, from this perverted school, we stand aghast at the mischief which may be done by those in authority, if ignorant or mistaught. Mr. Lincoln, it seems, in a speech in Indiana, and in his inaugural address, declared that the States are but counties, without sovereignty, and that the government is sovereign and can rightfully coerce the States to obey it. In his extra session message he said: The Union is older than any of the States, and, in fact, it created them as States, page 223. When some of the States seceded, on account of Lincoln's election to the Presidency, they were thought by many as premature, but, if he had been known to have entertained such opinio
Canada (Canada) (search for this): chapter 21
l rights and freedom. Rather a poor prospect! For, all or anything that a free or brave people wants in a government is a union with such people as these. Poor enough, it would seem, if we are to judge of the future by the past. And yet, we say unhesitatingly, give us a Union like the last when it was founded, if it is to be administered upon Mr. Jefferson's plan—that is, upon States rights principles. It was this last failure that wrecked our past venture. Give us all the land between Canada and Mexico, associated on a system of free republics, of associated corporate societies, with the united energies and common light of all to push them ahead. Give to their people free thought, free action, free will cribbed, cabined and confined by nothing more than the responsibilities to just law and enlightened order. Regulate such a people by the principles of true and enlightened States rights, and I should always be willing to embark my destinies with them. Let the New England State
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 21
the agency and the subject of the States. In proof of this he quotes the testimony of the writers of the Federalist, Hamilton, Madison, Jay, and many others, viz: of Washington and Franklin, John Dickenson, Gouveneur Morris, James Nelson, of Pennsylvania, Tench Coxe and Samuel Adams, of Roger Sherman, of Oliver Ellsworth, of Chancellor Pendleton, John Marshall, James Iredale, Fisher Ames, Theophilas Parsons, Christopher Gove, Governor James Bowdoin and George Cabot, to corroborate his assertio which they have been a little remarkable, at the expense of their confederates, they shall be restrained by the true principles of Union, the doctrines of States rights, which confine them to such united action as looks to the good of all. If Pennsylvania comes with some huge industry to quarter on the Union, we must tell her she must support herself, and not call on others to deny their own children to feed hers. In the beginning of our national rivalry, we started in our race with the world
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 21
ot, but, to an impartial mind, nothing more conclusive than the demonstration in this book would seem to be possible, even to the great intellect of Mr. O'Connor. But, it has done something more than demonstrate the legal innocence of the Confederate States and of Davis and Lee. It, together with Lunt's history of The Origin of the Late War, place Massachusetts, and the New England States, in a position such as no enlightened and honorable, to say nothing of Christian communities occupy anywhement under it. 3d. That the entire existence and powers of the said government are from and under them. 4th. That each and every federal functionary is a citizen and subject of a State, elected by and acting for such State. 5th. That our United States, or Union of States, as these phrases indicate, is a federation of sovereignties. Now, these are facts or falsehoods. I shall prove them to be facts beyond controversy, and show that the Federal Constitution, the history of its formation, a
Capon Springs (West Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 21
un he answered, not to the points taken by that master intellect, but addressed himself feebly, for him, to his resolutions. The Northern Quarterly Review, edited at Boston, admitted that Calhoun made good his positions, despite its partisan feelings and surroundings. The propositions which he exerted so much ability to make good in his contest with Hayne, he seemed even to press, or certainly maintained, with no vigor in his after life, until he finally retracted them in his speech at Capon Springs, which admitted all that the South ever claimed. When Mr. Webster, in the closing years of his life, witnessed the growing bitterness of the contest between the sections on the negro question, when he perceived that Massachusetts was gradually substituting such a man as Sumner in his place of lead and precedence, willing to put in his hands the bow which he himself had hardly wielded, without knowing whether he could even bend or draw it; when, having Webster on hand, she was willing to
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