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Granger (search for this): chapter 29
second veto message of the bank bill explained the reasons actuating the President for the course taken, but it was unsatisfactory to a large portion of the Whig party. The members of the Cabinet resigning their seats were Ewing, Bell, Badger, Granger and Crittenden. They reflected severely on the President. Granger's letter was not published, but it was understood that he agreed with the other members who had resigned. Webster did not sustain the President, yet he expressed no censure at Granger's letter was not published, but it was understood that he agreed with the other members who had resigned. Webster did not sustain the President, yet he expressed no censure at his course, and in his letter to the National Intelligencer said he saw no reason for a dissolution of the Cabinet, and had confidence in the hope that the President would co-operate with the Legislature in overcoming all difficulties in obtaining a bank bill that would not be objectionable. We refer to the letter of Webster in the National Intelligencer of September 13, 1840. The President, in his second veto, was sustained by some of the first statesmen of the day, among whom may be mention
Paulding (search for this): chapter 29
her and son, each President of the United States; of Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, distinguished for their writings, and also of Buchanan and Tyler. The same is true of cabinet officers from Hamilton, of Washington's administration, down through many administrations, embracing such learned authors and men distinguished in literature and science as are rarely found connected with official station. Among them may be found Rodney, Gallatin, Wirt, Calhoun, Rush, Kendall, Woodbury, Poinsett, Paulding, Webster, Legare, Walker, Bancroft, Marcy. It is also a striking truth that each branch of our national Congress has been elevated by many members distinguished for science, literature and authorship. With the United States there is in learning and science—and all the beautiful accomplishments of literature, as in the constitutional forms of government—a true republicanism that admits to favor the deserving and meritorious of all classes, and this constitutes its national nobility refle
Madison (search for this): chapter 29
ly appointed, after his resignation as governor, Judge of the United States District Court, under a commission from President Madison. This was the second appointment he had received to the Federal Bench, which he retained until his death. The slection of letters, judiciously made by the careful writer of the work under consideration, between Judge Tyler and Presidents Madison and Jefferson, forms a very interesting personal, biographic, and political feature of the work, and illustrates th as the philosophy of the times, and its history. Judge Tyler not only enjoyed the friendship of such men as Jefferson, Madison, Marshall, and Roane, but was very much admired by them, not only for his high order of talent, but for those exalted moe history of the country. This may be said of Adams, father and son, each President of the United States; of Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, distinguished for their writings, and also of Buchanan and Tyler. The same is true of cabinet officers fro
Henry Clay (search for this): chapter 29
zed by the exhibition of the talent of such men as Webster, Clay, Calhoun, Tyler, Leigh, Archer, Badger, Berrien, Preston, Wkson, Crawford, and Calhoun. He made, during the debate on Clay's tariff resolutions in 183-32, a three days speech, of mucompromise Tariff of 1833, whose principle he suggested to Mr. Clay, its patron. In 1833-34 he sustained Clay's resolutionClay's resolutions of censure upon President Jackson for the removal of the deposits, which he thought an unwarrantable exercise of power, thguilty of great duplicity on the bank question, and accuses Clay of apostacy. We think it clear that President Tyler acted ifficulty. If the difference was only slight, why did not Mr. Clay accept Ewing's bill as it stood? The President implored ty to the leading members of the Whig party, or apostacy to Clay in his connection with the bank bills. The men on each sidich they acted, and also as to the motives attributed to Henry Clay and some of his political associates and allies. It is
Berrien (search for this): chapter 29
party took its rise, Tyler co-operated with them, and was never, in the Jackson sense, a Democrat, but a decided Whig. The history of the rise of the Whig party, occasioned by the violent Federal measures and principles of the Jackson Democratic party, which was in no sense Democratic, is very fairly presented by the writer of the Letters and Times of the Two Tylers. It was characterized by the exhibition of the talent of such men as Webster, Clay, Calhoun, Tyler, Leigh, Archer, Badger, Berrien, Preston, White, Prentice, Reverdy Johnson, and many others, determined to resist the violent measures of Andrew Jackson as President of the United States. We will not enter into a discussion of the many points on which the Whig party acted. It is known, historically, how Federal the so called Democratic party of the Jackson school became, and, in truth, the Whigs were more Democratic than the professed Democrats. It was under that influence that Mr. Webster said the Whigs had, in Engla
Spencer Roane (search for this): chapter 29
tical feature of the work, and illustrates the combination of those elements in the literature, as well as the philosophy of the times, and its history. Judge Tyler not only enjoyed the friendship of such men as Jefferson, Madison, Marshall, and Roane, but was very much admired by them, not only for his high order of talent, but for those exalted moral qualities which constitute the great necessary virtues which render public men truly useful in official life, and without which there is no grorted as speaker of the House of Delegates and as Governor of the State with the ardor of a reformer. The Legislature of Virginia passed a highly complimentary resolution on Judge Tyler's character. An obituary written on his death, by Judge Spencer Roane—who ranked with Pendleton and Marshall as one of the first jurists of the nation—gives expression to a tone of moral life that should pervade official station, and is worthy of record in the philosophic literature of the age, and should be
Wise (search for this): chapter 29
d in his letter to the National Intelligencer said he saw no reason for a dissolution of the Cabinet, and had confidence in the hope that the President would co-operate with the Legislature in overcoming all difficulties in obtaining a bank bill that would not be objectionable. We refer to the letter of Webster in the National Intelligencer of September 13, 1840. The President, in his second veto, was sustained by some of the first statesmen of the day, among whom may be mentioned Rives and Wise of Virginia. The compiler of the work under consideration presents in the second volume a full history of this question, with a statement from the President of the reasons sustaining his course. We think the President not only acted in strict honor on this great occasion, but was consistent; and yet, while we do not agree with many leading statesmen of that day in denouncing the President, we also differ from the writer in attaching duplicity to the leading members of the Whig party, or a
Rives (search for this): chapter 29
uren's message of the new system of finance, Vol. I, page 584. It also witnessed, as he observes, a split in the ranks of the Democratic party. This faction called themselves conservatives, among which were some men of great virtue and ability— Rives, Tallmadge and Legree being of that party. But what is also remarkable Calhoun, Tazewell, Gordon, Troup and many others of the Whig party, who had been bitter opponents of the Jackson measures, co-operated with the Democrats on the specie platfobill that would not be objectionable. We refer to the letter of Webster in the National Intelligencer of September 13, 1840. The President, in his second veto, was sustained by some of the first statesmen of the day, among whom may be mentioned Rives and Wise of Virginia. The compiler of the work under consideration presents in the second volume a full history of this question, with a statement from the President of the reasons sustaining his course. We think the President not only acted
Reverdy Johnson (search for this): chapter 29
with them, and was never, in the Jackson sense, a Democrat, but a decided Whig. The history of the rise of the Whig party, occasioned by the violent Federal measures and principles of the Jackson Democratic party, which was in no sense Democratic, is very fairly presented by the writer of the Letters and Times of the Two Tylers. It was characterized by the exhibition of the talent of such men as Webster, Clay, Calhoun, Tyler, Leigh, Archer, Badger, Berrien, Preston, White, Prentice, Reverdy Johnson, and many others, determined to resist the violent measures of Andrew Jackson as President of the United States. We will not enter into a discussion of the many points on which the Whig party acted. It is known, historically, how Federal the so called Democratic party of the Jackson school became, and, in truth, the Whigs were more Democratic than the professed Democrats. It was under that influence that Mr. Webster said the Whigs had, in England, been a party opposed to power, and
Troup (search for this): chapter 29
sident called an extra session to meet in September, 1837. This extra session witnessed, to quote the language of our writer, the debut in Van Buren's message of the new system of finance, Vol. I, page 584. It also witnessed, as he observes, a split in the ranks of the Democratic party. This faction called themselves conservatives, among which were some men of great virtue and ability— Rives, Tallmadge and Legree being of that party. But what is also remarkable Calhoun, Tazewell, Gordon, Troup and many others of the Whig party, who had been bitter opponents of the Jackson measures, co-operated with the Democrats on the specie platform of the sub-treasury. We will not trace out at this time the history of the sub-treasury. It was a scheme used as a substitute for a national bank, and its very existence depended upon and practiced daily all of the essential features of banking, except lending money on good security. In the Whig National Convention, on December 4th, 1839, Harris
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