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Baltimore, Md. (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.52
rposely betray General McClellan and his army to defeat in the Seven Days Battles before Richmond. McClure (page 207) is one; Holland (page 53, et seq.) is another; and John Codman Ropes declares it, in his Story of the Civil War, Part II (page 16), and reaffirms his belief on more than one other page. McClellan, in his celebrated dispatch after his retreat, reproached Stanton with this atrocious crime, and so worded the dispatch that he imputed the same guilt to Lincoln. McClure, in his Lincoln, etc. (page 202), and Nicolay and Hay, in their Abraham Lincoln (pages 441, 442 and 451), deplore that McClellan should have believed Lincoln capable of it, both conceding to McClellan the most exalted character, ability and patriotism. See McClure's Lincoln, etc. (page 208), and Nicolay and Hay's Abraham Lincoln (Volume VI, page 189, et seq.) This letter will also appear in the Richmond Dispatch, as did that of the 14th January last. Charles L. C. Minor. 1002 McCulloh St., Baltimore.
Cleveland (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.52
s great struggle for re-election in 1864. See also pages 282 to 292, et seq. See Morse's Lincoln, Vol. I, page 193. None will deny that Greeley ardently hated slavery and loved the Union, and was unsurpassed for purity and patriotism. Dr. J. G. Holland's Life of Lincoln (page 469, et seq.), shows Fremont, Wendell Phillips, Fred Douglas and Greeley as leaders in the very nearly successful effort to defeat Lincoln's second election. The call for the convention for that purpose, held in Cleveland, May 31, 1864, said that the public liberty was in danger; that its object was to arouse the people and bring them to realize that, while we are saturating Southern soil with the best blood of the country in the name of liberty, we have really parted with it at home. McClure's Lincoln, etc., conceding the hostile attitude towards Lincoln of the leading members of the cabinet, says (page 54): Outside of the cabinet the leaders were equally discordant, and quite as distrustful of the a
Virginia (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.52
bel States at the discretion of his personal ambition, and that a more studied outrage on the authority of the people has never been perpetrated. An examination to-day of the official record of the electoral vote by which Lincoln got his second term, fully verifies the above charge. Nicolay and Hay's Abraham Lincoln, and General Benjamin F. Butler's autobiography (the title is Butler's Book), alike concede the fictitious pretense of a State that was counted as casting the vote of the State of Virginia in the electoral college, and similar farces were played in the case of others of the rebel States, just as foreseen by Wade and Henry Winter Davis. This accounts for the much boasted majority recorded by the electoral college in Lincoln's favor, and the small majority, as officially recorded, of votes of the people. Mc-Clellan, on a platform that said the war must stop, got eighty-one per cent of the votes that were cast for Lincoln. This was the vote of the people of the loyal Sta
Clement C. Clay (search for this): chapter 1.52
osition to the war and to emancipation that had lately been demonstrated in its great anti-draft riot. This riot had countenance from the Governor (Seymour) and the Arch-Bishop (Hughs), as Nicolay and Hay elaborately describe in their Abraham Lincoln; and Gorham, in his lately published Life of Stanton, says that if the battle of Gettysburg, then raging, had been of opposite result, New York would not have submitted. Lincoln refused to listen at all to the Southern commissioners, Clement C. Clay, Jr., and James P. Holcombe, unless they could show written authority from Jefferson Davis to make unconditional surrender. Greeley, who had procured their coming to negotiate for a cessation of the war, protested against Lincoln's action as follows, in a letter written him in July, 1864 (see Holland's Life, etc., page 478): Our bleeding, bankrupt, almost dying country longs for peace, shudders at the prospect of fresh conscriptions, of further wholesale devastations and new rivers of hum
Kasson (search for this): chapter 1.52
be replaced by General Mc-Clellan as military dictator. * * * These letters published by Curtis, bad as they are, are not the worst letters written by Stanton to Buchanan. Some of them were so violent in their expression against Lincoln * * * that they have been charitably withheld from the public. Whitney, in his On Circuit with Lincoln (page 424), tells of these suppressed letters. See, too, his pages 422 to 424, et seq., and Ben Perley Poore, in Reminiscences of Lincoln (page 223), and Kasson, in Reminiscences of Lincoln (page 384), all in confirmation of Stanton's estimate and treatment of Lincoln. Hapgood's Abraham Lincoln refers (page 164) to Stanton's brutal absence of decent personal feeling towards Lincoln, and tells of Stanton's insulting behavior when they met five years earlier, of which meeting Stanton said that he had met him at the bar, and found him a low, cunning clown. (See Ben Perley Poore, in Reminiscences of Lincoln, page 223.) Miss Ida Tarbell, in McClure's M
Zach (search for this): chapter 1.52
hat he was the author of a little book, the purpose of which was to attack the fundamental truths of religion, and never denied or retracted any of these views. That letter further stated that it would be as easy to prove, from precisely the same sort of evidence, that Lincoln's character and conduct provoked the bitterest censure from a very great number of the most distinguished of his co-workers in his great achievements, among whom may be named Greeley, Thad. Stevens, Sumner, Trumbull, Zach. Chandler, Fred. Douglas, Beecher, Fremont, Ben. Wade, Winter Davis and Wendell Phillips, while the most bitter and contemptuous and persistent of all Lincoln's critics were Chase, his Secretary of the Treasury and Chief Justice, and Stanton, known ever Ziace as his great War Secretary. This letter is intended to prove what is alleged in the last paragraph, and to give some further evidence of the estimate of Lincoln entertained by his contemporaries. Such light is needed, for the paean
W. H. Seward (search for this): chapter 1.52
lated; and he further accused Lincoln of managing the war for personal ends. Seward has been much criticised, and accused of rare presumption, for a letter that hsuperiority and condescendingly offered his advice and aid. It is probable that Seward did feel something of the contempt for Lincoln that his brethren in the Cabinetrequently showed to his face throughout their long terms of office. Like them, Seward was a man of the highest social standing and of large experience in the highesthumility, but there is a much more obvious way of accounting for them. Whether Seward's letter gave offense or not, it suggested the policy that Lincoln adopted, whif the war nor the emancipation would have been possible. The policy advised in Seward's letter is, Change the question before the public from the one upon slavery foestion upon Union or Disunion. The letter did not come to light for years, and Seward might well say, as he did, that Lincoln had a cunning that was genius. See Don
Horace Greeley (search for this): chapter 1.52
s great achievements, among whom may be named Greeley, Thad. Stevens, Sumner, Trumbull, Zach. Chanof the War Time, says (page 225, et seq.): Greeley was in closer touch with the active, loyal sepeople than even the President himself, and Mr. Greeley's Tribune was the most widely read Republicf the people in every State in the Union, and Greeley was not in accord with Lincoln. * * * GreeleyGreeley was [page 289, et seq.] a perpetual thorn in Lincoln's side, * * * and almost constantly criticisencoln, Vol. I, page 193. None will deny that Greeley ardently hated slavery and loved the Union, ad passed, Ben Wade and Winter Davis, aided by Greeley, published in Greeley's Tribune of August 5thGreeley's Tribune of August 5th a bitter manifesto. It charged that the President, by this action, holds the electoral vote of therson Davis to make unconditional surrender. Greeley, who had procured their coming to negotiate fere actively opposed to Lincoln, and mentions Greeley as their chief. McClure's Lincoln, etc. (pag[2 more...]
H. McClellan (search for this): chapter 1.52
ferred to, ante, pages 165-173) by the story of The First Chronicle of Reuben. He annoyed General McClellan by very frequent visits at his headquarters in Washington, after being repeatedly treated t worth while to declare very expressly their belief that Lincoln did not purposely betray General McClellan and his army to defeat in the Seven Days Battles before Richmond. McClure (page 207) is ory of the Civil War, Part II (page 16), and reaffirms his belief on more than one other page. McClellan, in his celebrated dispatch after his retreat, reproached Stanton with this atrocious crime, aage 202), and Nicolay and Hay, in their Abraham Lincoln (pages 441, 442 and 451), deplore that McClellan should have believed Lincoln capable of it, both conceding to McClellan the most exalted charaMcClellan the most exalted character, ability and patriotism. See McClure's Lincoln, etc. (page 208), and Nicolay and Hay's Abraham Lincoln (Volume VI, page 189, et seq.) This letter will also appear in the Richmond Dispatch, a
Mc-Clellan (search for this): chapter 1.52
, he maintained the closest confidential relations with Buchanan, and wrote him many letters expressing the utmost contempt for Lincoln. * * * These letters, given to the public in Curtis' Life of Buchanan, speak freely (see Hapgood's Lincoln, page 254,) of the painful imbecility of Lincoln, the venality and corruption which ran riot in the government, and McClure goes on: It is an open secret that Stanton advised the revolutionary overthrow of the Lincoln government, to be replaced by General Mc-Clellan as military dictator. * * * These letters published by Curtis, bad as they are, are not the worst letters written by Stanton to Buchanan. Some of them were so violent in their expression against Lincoln * * * that they have been charitably withheld from the public. Whitney, in his On Circuit with Lincoln (page 424), tells of these suppressed letters. See, too, his pages 422 to 424, et seq., and Ben Perley Poore, in Reminiscences of Lincoln (page 223), and Kasson, in Reminiscences of
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