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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 34. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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Vermont (Vermont, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.5
tion) must begin in Massachusetts. The proposition would be welcome in Connecticut, and could we doubt New Hampshire? But New York must be associated, and how is her concurrence to be obtained? She must be made the centre of the Confederacy. Vermont and New Hampshire would follow of course, and Rhode Island of necessity. This letter shows that Col. Pickering believed that the doctrine of secession had the approval of New England, as well as New York and New Jersey. In 1811 the admissiby a Massachusetts representative, and a decision by the House that it was a lawful matter for discussion. The Hartford Convention of 1814, consisting of delegates from the States of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Hampshire and Vermont, discussed the question, and although they did not decide to secede at that time, declared as follows: If the Union be destined to dissolution by reason of the multiplied abuses of bad administration, it should, if possible, be the work of peace
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 1.5
hire would follow of course, and Rhode Island of necessity. This letter shows that Col. Pickering believed that the doctrine of secession had the approval of New England, as well as New York and New Jersey. In 1811 the admission of the State of Louisiana was violently opposed in Congress. During the debate, Mr. Quincy of Masare radical and permanent a separation, by equitable arrangement will be preferable to an alliance by constraint among nominal friends, but real enemies. The New England States in 1844 threatened a dissolution of the Union. In that year the Legislature of Massachusetts adopted this resolution: The Commonwealth of Massachusetctory conclusion was reached. Finally, when the Southern States, for grievances that are fresh in our memories, and far outweighed all the fancied evils that New England suffered, or all the trials the Mississippi Valley settlers bore, withdrew from the Union and reasserted their sovereignty, they were coerced by Federal powers,
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.5
ctrine of secession, characterized as treason and rebellion in 1861, was openly advocated in Massachusetts. Col. Pickering, a member of General Washington's cabinet, in July, 1804, wrote as follows: to the navigation and commerce of the latter. * * It (meaning the separation) must begin in Massachusetts. The proposition would be welcome in Connecticut, and could we doubt New Hampshire? But Ne the State of Louisiana was violently opposed in Congress. During the debate, Mr. Quincy of Massachusetts, said: If this bill passes it is my deliberate opinion that it is virtually a dissolution or discussion. The Hartford Convention of 1814, consisting of delegates from the States of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Hampshire and Vermont, discussed the question, and although nion. In that year the Legislature of Massachusetts adopted this resolution: The Commonwealth of Massachusetts, faithful to the compact between the people of the United States, according to the p
Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.5
n Massachusetts. The proposition would be welcome in Connecticut, and could we doubt New Hampshire? But New York must be associated, and how is her concurrence to be obtained? She must be made the centre of the Confederacy. Vermont and New Hampshire would follow of course, and Rhode Island of necessity. This letter shows that Col. Pickering believed that the doctrine of secession had the approval of New England, as well as New York and New Jersey. In 1811 the admission of the State of Louisiana was violently opposed in Congress. During the debate, Mr. Quincy of Massachusetts, said: If this bill passes it is my deliberate opinion that it is virtually a dissolution of the Union; that it will free the States from their moral obligations, and, as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some definitely to prepare for a separation amicably, if they can—violently, if they must. A Southern delegate, mark you, called him to order. The point of order was sustained
Connecticut (Connecticut, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.5
quire the moral protection of the Northern Union, and the products of the former would be important to the navigation and commerce of the latter. * * It (meaning the separation) must begin in Massachusetts. The proposition would be welcome in Connecticut, and could we doubt New Hampshire? But New York must be associated, and how is her concurrence to be obtained? She must be made the centre of the Confederacy. Vermont and New Hampshire would follow of course, and Rhode Island of necessity. on of the right of secession by a Massachusetts representative, and a decision by the House that it was a lawful matter for discussion. The Hartford Convention of 1814, consisting of delegates from the States of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Hampshire and Vermont, discussed the question, and although they did not decide to secede at that time, declared as follows: If the Union be destined to dissolution by reason of the multiplied abuses of bad administration, it should, if p
North America (search for this): chapter 1.5
r thought for those whom they met in deadly conflict, we thank God for the courage that enabled them to face the dangers nature shrinks from, and to die in defense of the manhood and self respect of this Southland. We could not have tamely yielded our rights and convictions to avoid suffering and loss. The necessity for the war was written in the history of the Colonies, in the climate, soil and productions of the different States, on the flag of the first ship that brought slaves to North America. The splendid eloquence and patriotism of Henry Clay and others delayed it. The madness of a few on both sides hastened it. Two questions had to be settled, the right of secession and chattel slavery. Some writers have contended that it was worth all our dreadful financial losses; all the sufferings of the conflict and all the blood of our precious dead, to have these two questions flung behind us forever. From this conclusion I respectfully dissent, and will endeavor to show that t
Chambersburg, Pa. (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.5
thoroughly imbued with moral principle. To their everlasting honor stands the fact that in their march through the enemy's country they left behind them no wasted fields, no families cruelly robbed, no homes violated. An English writer contemporaneously wrote: In no case had the Pennsylvanians to complaim of personal injury or even discourtesy at the hands of those whose homes they had burned; whose families they had insulted, robbed and tormented. Even the tardy destruction of Chambersburg was an act of regular, limited and righteous reprisal. I must say that they acted like gentlemen, and, their cause aside, I would rather have 40,000 rebels quartered on my premises than 1,000 Union troops, was said by a Pennsylvania farmer during that invasion. No one who participated in that struggle for Constitutional government could have failed to observe the unselfish devotion of the private soldier. The generals and line officers, charged with responsibility and nerved wit
Rhode Island (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.5
d be welcome in Connecticut, and could we doubt New Hampshire? But New York must be associated, and how is her concurrence to be obtained? She must be made the centre of the Confederacy. Vermont and New Hampshire would follow of course, and Rhode Island of necessity. This letter shows that Col. Pickering believed that the doctrine of secession had the approval of New England, as well as New York and New Jersey. In 1811 the admission of the State of Louisiana was violently opposed in Con open contention of the right of secession by a Massachusetts representative, and a decision by the House that it was a lawful matter for discussion. The Hartford Convention of 1814, consisting of delegates from the States of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Hampshire and Vermont, discussed the question, and although they did not decide to secede at that time, declared as follows: If the Union be destined to dissolution by reason of the multiplied abuses of bad administration, it
Loudoun (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.5
the admiration of the world. He knew that in the story of the battle the officers' names would be mentioned, and if among the slain, he would be borne to a well marked tomb, over which loving hands and grateful hearts would spread flowers and shed tears; while over his unmarked grave, most likely the wind would sing a sad requiem and no loving hand would plant a single flower. A Southern soldier of the 2nd Virginia Cavalry, in pathetic words has epitomized this subject. A lady of Loudoun County, Va., set the words to music. We often heard it sung around our Camp Fires: All quiet along the Potomac they say Except here and there a stray picket Is shot as he walks on his beat to and fro, By a rifleman hid in the thicket. 'Tis nothing—a private or two now and then Will not count in the news of the battle, Not an officer lost; only one of the men— Moaning out all alone the death rattle. All quiet along the Potomac to-night, No sound save the rush of the river; While soft falls the
Capon Springs (West Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.5
slave. Of 80 men of my Company, 40 never owned a slave, nor did their fathers before them own one. A Northern writer says: Slavery was the cause of war, just as property is the cause of robbery. If any man will read the debates between Lincoln and Douglas, just prior to the war, or the emancipation proclamation, he will see that slavery was not the cause of action, or its abolition his intent. Emancipation was a war measure, not affecting the border States. Mr. Webster said at Capon Springs in 1851: I do not hesitate to say and repeat, that if the Northern States refused to carry into effect that part of the Constitution which respects the restoration of fugitive slaves, the South would no longer be bound to keep the compact. Did any of you ever see a soldier who was fighting for slavery? A celebrated English historian in treating this subject, remarks: Slavery was but the occasion of the rupture, in no sense, the object of the war. Slavery would have been abolished
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