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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 36. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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China (China) (search for this): chapter 1.40
passed an act (the first of the session) prohibiting from that date the importation of any slave into the Commonwealth, by sea or land. Twenty-nine years before England, twenty-nine years before the congress of the United States prohibited the slave trade, Virginia placed her abhorrence of it on the statute book. By whom was this law repealed? In effect, by the vote of a solid New England, in the convention of 1878. What old England began, New England completed. In the sale of opium to China who is the arch sinner—England or the Chinese? In the importation of slaves by the slave trade, was it the slave trader, or his customer, who first and foremost was responsible? This infernal traffic, said George Mason, originated in the avarice of British merchants. The British government constantly checked the attempts of Virginia to put a stopto it. He lamented that some of our eastern brethren had from a lust of gain embarked in this nefarious traffic. Twenty years, said Madison, wil
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 1.40
at the threshold. I will, said John Randolph, put it in the power of no man or set of men who ever lived, or who ever shall live, to tax me without my consent. It is wholly immaterial whether this is done, without my having any representation at all, or, as it was done in the case of the tariff law, by a phalanx, stern and inexorable, who, have the majority and having the power, prescribe to me the law I shall obey * * * The whole slave-holding country, the whole of it from the Potomac to Mexico, was placed under the ban and anathema of a majority of two. The logic of liberty thus spoke. That wizzard glance, flashing with a supernatural insight into the heart of things, saw in this the shadow of a stroke which would one day fall with destructive force; and which destructively has fallen. The ounce of prevention would have saved what whole cargoes of cure are powerless to remedy. The power which buys legislation wholesale is sequence from this antecedence. The injury of the many
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 1.40
New England forced slavery. On October 5, 1778, the general assembly of Virginia passed an act (the first law repealed? In effect, by the vote of a solid New England, in the convention of 1878. What old England began, New England completed. In the sale of opium to China who is the arch sinner—England or the Chinese? In thorthwest territory for the sake of the union; and New England's refusal (for the sake of union) to relinquish, d union for the sake of freedom? We demand, said New England, our rights to fasten upon you the fangs of this nefarious traffic for twenty years to come. If New England can forgive herself for this, what should she not f called the sum of all villainies. This was what New England made the condition precedent to Union. The capit provision. By profits thus derived, the sons of New England, their legatees and distributees, have been enric am acquainted, makes him worse. Old England and New England handed the forbidden fruit to the South—themselve
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.40
ween convictions was the pitiless logic of a line. Right and wrong were geographical. My friend, as I esteem it a privilege to call him, Major John W. Daniel, in an address at the University of Virginia, quotes Mr. Hoar, late senator from Massachusetts as saying of Jefferson, he stands in human history as the foremost man of all whose influence has led men to govern themselves by spiritual laws. Of all emancipationists, Jefferson was by far the greatest. As early as 1778 he sought to begireason against human hope will signalize their epoch in future history. To LaFayette he wrote: It is not a moral question, but one merely of power * * * to raise a geographical principle for the choice of a president. To Mr. Holmes (then of Massachusetts), he wrote these prophetic words: A geographical line conciding with a marked principle, moral or political, will never be obliterated, and every new irratation will mark it deeper and deeper. Thank God, he wrote to John Adams, I shall not l
Jefferson City (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.40
ts seemed to say: Aha, Jefferson, we have thee on the hip at last. Realizing in his old age the triumph which had come to stay of nominal over real, he turned his face to the wall. John Quincy Adams noted in his diary: The discussion disclosed a secret. It revealed the basis for a new organization of parties. The Bill of Abomination. The convention of Northern States which met at Harrisburg to outline the tariff of 1828, known as the Bill of Abomination was the confirmation of Jefferson's forebodings. Had parliament granted to the colonies the right to appear by representatives (easily outnumbered by the rest of the commons), how nugatory would have been the colonial vote. So specious was the scheme to make the South the milch cow for the North. Real consent of the governed would be violated at the threshold. I will, said John Randolph, put it in the power of no man or set of men who ever lived, or who ever shall live, to tax me without my consent. It is wholly imm
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 1.40
that was needed was a swap of the moral force of freedom for the material force of empire, brutalizing and diabolizing; all the more infernal, because masquerading under the name of love for others-taking in vain that holy name. The dangerous enemies of a republic are not the men who make open war upon it; but the men who insidiously undermine. Events were moving on toward completion, when Andrew Jackson, in his message of January 2, 1835, found it needful to denounce the use of the United States mails for the circulation of inflammatory appeals addressed to the passions of slaves. In such use of the mails, the hero of New Orleans could see but one object, viz.: To produce all the horrors of servile war. Mr. William Chauncey Fowler, in his book, The Sectional Controversy (published in 1864), when the author was a member of the Connecticut legislature) says, that some fifteen or twenty years earlier, as a leading member of congress, who afterwards became a member of a presiden
James Madison (search for this): chapter 1.40
e avarice of British merchants. The British government constantly checked the attempts of Virginia to put a stopto it. He lamented that some of our eastern brethren had from a lust of gain embarked in this nefarious traffic. Twenty years, said Madison, will produce all the mischief that can be apprehended from the liberty to import slaves. As between Virginia's cession of her northwest territory for the sake of the union; and New England's refusal (for the sake of union) to relinquish, untilsley called the sum of all villainies. This was what New England made the condition precedent to Union. The capital invested in the lucrative exchange of rum for negroes could not (or would not) sooner adjust itself to the impractical views of Madison and Mason. The constitutional power of amendment was inhibited from touching this provision. By profits thus derived, the sons of New England, their legatees and distributees, have been enriched. Which of them has flung upon the ground the ta
What created the difference between States with negro slaves and States without them? Difference of climate, soil, production. Parallels of latitude voted for or against the negro. The southern man said, where we are, there is your home. The logic which defined the chasm between convictions was the pitiless logic of a line. Right and wrong were geographical. My friend, as I esteem it a privilege to call him, Major John W. Daniel, in an address at the University of Virginia, quotes Mr. Hoar, late senator from Massachusetts as saying of Jefferson, he stands in human history as the foremost man of all whose influence has led men to govern themselves by spiritual laws. Of all emancipationists, Jefferson was by far the greatest. As early as 1778 he sought to begin the work of emancipation in his own Commonwealth. His words of sympathy for the slave are often quoted at the North. He was, however, an emancipationist, not because of ill will to the master, but because of good wil
William Chauncey Fowler (search for this): chapter 1.40
ngerous enemies of a republic are not the men who make open war upon it; but the men who insidiously undermine. Events were moving on toward completion, when Andrew Jackson, in his message of January 2, 1835, found it needful to denounce the use of the United States mails for the circulation of inflammatory appeals addressed to the passions of slaves. In such use of the mails, the hero of New Orleans could see but one object, viz.: To produce all the horrors of servile war. Mr. William Chauncey Fowler, in his book, The Sectional Controversy (published in 1864), when the author was a member of the Connecticut legislature) says, that some fifteen or twenty years earlier, as a leading member of congress, who afterwards became a member of a presidential cabinet, was coming out from a heated debate, he was asked by the writer, an old college friend: Will you inform me, what is the real reason why Northern men encourage these petitions? (For the abolition of slavery.) He said to me:
John Randolph (search for this): chapter 1.40
ion of Northern States which met at Harrisburg to outline the tariff of 1828, known as the Bill of Abomination was the confirmation of Jefferson's forebodings. Had parliament granted to the colonies the right to appear by representatives (easily outnumbered by the rest of the commons), how nugatory would have been the colonial vote. So specious was the scheme to make the South the milch cow for the North. Real consent of the governed would be violated at the threshold. I will, said John Randolph, put it in the power of no man or set of men who ever lived, or who ever shall live, to tax me without my consent. It is wholly immaterial whether this is done, without my having any representation at all, or, as it was done in the case of the tariff law, by a phalanx, stern and inexorable, who, have the majority and having the power, prescribe to me the law I shall obey * * * The whole slave-holding country, the whole of it from the Potomac to Mexico, was placed under the ban and anath
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