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Alleghany Mountains (United States) (search for this): chapter 7
h was making in Ireland. Braddock, with two regiments, was already on the way to America, when Newcastle gave assurances that defence only was intended, that the general peace should not be broken; at the same time, England on its side, returning the French proposition but with a change of epoch, proposed to leave the Ohio valley as it had been at the treaty of Utrecht. Mirepoix, in reply, was willing that both the French and English should retire from the country between the Ohio and the Alleghanies, and leave that territory neutral, which would have secured to his sovereign all the country north and west of the Ohio. England, on the contrary, demanded that France should destroy all her forts as far as the Wabash, raze Niagara and Crown Point, surrender the peninsula of Nova Scotia, with a strip of land twenty leagues wide along the Bay of Fundy and the Atlantic, and leave the intermediate country to chap. VII.} 1755. the St. Lawrence a neutral desert. Proposals so unreasonable
nd defended the measure, and, turning to Lord Egmont, exclaimed, Take the poor American by the hand and point out his grievances. I defy you, I beseech you, to point out one grievance. I know not of one. He pronounced a panegyric on the Board of Trade, and defended all their acts, in particular the instructions to Sir Danvers Osborne. The petition of the agent of Massachusetts was not allowed to be brought up. That to the House of Lords no one would offer; Letter of W. Bollan to Secretary Willard, 21 Dec., 1754; and to the Speaker of the Massachusetts Assembly, 29 Jan., 1755. and the bill, with the clause for America, was hurried through parliament. It is confidently stated, by the agent of Massachusetts, that a noble lord had then a bill in his pocket, ready to be brought in, to ascertain and regulate the colonial quotas. W. Bollan to the Speaker, 30 May, 1755. All England was persuaded of the perverseness of the assemblies, Secretary Calvert to Lt. Gov. Sharpe, 20 De
f Maryland, their general. Newcastle would have taken Pitt's opinion. Your Grace knows, he replied, I have no capacity for these things. Dodington's Diary. Horace Walpole, the elder, advised energetic measures to regain the lost territory. Coxe's Life of Horace Waxpole, II. 67. Charles Townshend would have sent three thousand regulars with three hundred thousand pounds, to New England, to train its inhabitants in war, and, through them, to conquer Canada. After assuming the hero, and br he at that time complained to Bedford, has been too rapid. It would have been better for the extirpation of this rabble, if they had stood. All the good we have chap. VII.} 1754. done, he wrote to Newcastle, has been a little bloodletting. Coxe's Pelham Ad., i., 303. His attendant, George Townshend, afterwards to be much connected with American affairs, promised his friends still more entertainment in the way of beheading Scotchmen on Tower Hill; and he echoed Cumberland, as he wrote, I
Hardwicke (search for this): chapter 7
ommons. The duke, said Pitt, might as well send his jackboot to lead us. The House abounded in noted men. Besides Pitt, and Fox, and Murray, the heroes of a hundred magnificent debates, there was the universally able Mr. Pitt to the Earl of Hardwicke, 6 April, 1764, in Chatham Correspondence, i. 106. George Grenville; the solemn Sir George Lyttleton, known as a poet, historian and orator; Hillsborough, industrious, precise, well meaning, but without sagacity; the arrogant, unstable Sackvillamental measures had ceased to clash with the sentiment of the people, and the whole aristocracy had accepted their doctrines. Murray, afterwards Lord Mansfield, called himself a Whig, was one of the brightest ornaments of the party, and after Hardwicke, their oracle on questions of law. Cumberland, Newcastle, Devonshire, Bedford, Halifax, and the Marquis of Rockingham, were all reputed Whigs. So were George and Charles Townshend, the young Lord North, Grenville, Conwayand Sackville. On the
rland entered on his American career with eager ostentation. He was heroically brave and covetous of military renown, hiding regrets at failure under the aspect of indifference. Waldegrave's Memoirs, 21-23. Himself obedient to the king, he never forgave a transgression of the minutest precept of the military rubric. Walpole's Memoires of Geo. II., i., 86. In Scotland, in 1746, his method against rebellion was threatening military execution. Our success, he at that time complained to Bedford, has been too rapid. It would have been better for the extirpation of this rabble, if they had stood. All the good we have chap. VII.} 1754. done, he wrote to Newcastle, has been a little bloodletting. Coxe's Pelham Ad., i., 303. His attendant, George Townshend, afterwards to be much connected with American affairs, promised his friends still more entertainment in the way of beheading Scotchmen on Tower Hill; and he echoed Cumberland, as he wrote, I wish the disaffection was less lat
Robert Dinwiddie (search for this): chapter 7
rliament may oblige them here. Thomas Penn to Hamilton, 10 June, 1754. The assemblies, said Dinwiddie, of Virginia, are obstinate, self-opinionated; a stubborn generation; and he advised a poll-tax on the whole subjects in all the provinces, to bring them to a sense of their duty. Lieut. Gov. Dinwiddie to the Lords of Trade, 23 September, 1754. Other governors, also, applied home for compulsory legislation; Dinwiddie to H. Sharpe, of Maryland. and Sharpe, of Maryland, who was well informed, held it possible, if not probable, that parliament, at its very next session, would raise a ock in military rank; Delancey, of New York; Morris, of Pennsylvania; Sharpe, of Maryland; and Dinwiddie, of Virginia. Braddock directed their attention, first of all, to the subject of colonial reving the necessity of some tax being laid throughout his Majesty's dominions in North America. Dinwiddie reiterated his old advice. Sharpe recommended that the governor and council, without the asse
William Shirley (search for this): chapter 7
Trade, 15 Dec. 1754. In the same moment, Shirley, at Boston, was planning how the common fund he colonies, replied Franklin, Franklin to Shirley, 17 Dec. and 18 Dec. 1754, in Works, III, 57,es, as a useless part of the constitution. Shirley next proposed for consideration the plan of u his conviction and a sentiment of his heart, Shirley turned towards the Secretary of State, and rederacy. It has been thought probable, that Shirley was not particularly hostile to the Albany pl proves his bitter enmity to the scheme. See Shirley to Sir Thomas Robinson, 24 December, 1754; 24e in 1755. his own opinions. Early in 1755, Shirley wrote to the Secretary of State, that he was nly of a parliamentary union but taxation. Shirley to Sir Thomas Robinson, 4 February, 1755. Durhere were present, of the American governors, Shirley, now next to Braddock in military rank; Delanmost ready and convenient. A common fund, so Shirley assured his American colleagues, on the autho[3 more...]
French Indians (search for this): chapter 7
e defensive; Le Garde des Sceaux to Duqaesne, 1754. New York Paris Doc., x., 44. to shun effusion of blood, and to employ Indian war-parties only when indispensable to tranquillity. Yet Canada, of which the population was but little above eighty thousand, sought security by Indian alliances. Chiefs of the Six Nations were invited to the colony, Holland to Lieut. Gov. Delancey, 1 Jan., 1755. and, on their arrival, were entreated, by a very large belt of wampum from six nations of French Indians, to break the sale of lands to the English on the Ohio. Have regard, they cried, for your offspring; for the English, whom you call your brothers, seek your ruin. Already the faithless Shawnees, Duquesne to De Drucourt, 8 March, 1755. the most powerful tribe on the Ohio, made war on the English, and distributed English scalps and prisoners among the nations who accepted their hatchet. Fond of war, the cruel and sanguinary Cumberland entered on his American career with eager osten
Thomas Gage (search for this): chapter 7
council, without the assembly, should have power to levy money after any manner that may be deemed most ready and convenient. A common fund, so Shirley assured his American colleagues, on the authority of the British secretary of state, must be either voluntarily raised, or assessed in some other way. I have had in my hands vast masses of correspondence, including letters from servants of the crown in every royal colony in America; from civilians, as well as from Braddock, and Dunbar, and Gage; from the popular Delancey and the moderate Sharpe, as well as from Dinwiddie and Shirley; and all were of the same tenor. The British ministry heard one general clamor from men in office for taxation by act of parliament. Even men of liberal tendencies looked to acts of English authority for aid. I hope that Lord Halifax's plan may be good and take place, said chap. VII.} 1755. Alexander, of New York. Hopkins, governor of Rhode Island, elected by the people, complained of the men who se
Horace Walpole (search for this): chapter 7
754. to carry it? I hope words alone will not prevail; Walpole's Memoirs of George II. i. 355. and the majority came to ing what active measures to propose, sought information Walpole's Memoires of George the Second. of Horatio Gates, a youngve no capacity for these things. Dodington's Diary. Horace Walpole, the elder, advised energetic measures to regain the lame de Pompadour and the Duke de Mirepoix, Newcastle to Walpole, 20 Oct., 1754. Walpole's Memoires, i. 347. Compare FlasWalpole's Memoires, i. 347. Compare Flassan: Hist. de la Diplomatie Francaise. the direction and conduct of American affairs was left entirely to the Duke of Cumberression of the minutest precept of the military rubric. Walpole's Memoires of Geo. II., i., 86. In Scotland, in 1746, his xpert in the niceties of a review; harsh in discipline. Walpole's Memoires of Geo. II., i., 390, confirmed by many letters its terrible severity. Calvert to Lieut. Gov. Sharpe. Walpole's Memoires, i., 365. Egmont interceded to protect America
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