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Browsing named entities in The Daily Dispatch: December 25, 1861., [Electronic resource].

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February 1st, 1 AD (search for this): article 3
Edward D. Eacho, General Agent and Collector. Office on 14th, between Main and Franklin sts., corner of Exchange Alley, Richmond, Virginia, Would respectfully inform his friends and the public generally, that he will continue the same line of business the ensuing year, viz: Renting out Houses, Farms, &c., Selling Real Estate, Hiring out and Selling Negroes, Negotiating Loans, Collecting Bonds, Notes, and Open Accounts, Adjusting Claims, and attending to all matters appertaining to a General Agent. Thankful for the liberal patronage he has received for the last nine years, would respectfully solicit a continuance of the same. Persons in the country intending to send me their servants for hire, would please do so if possible by the 1st or 2d of January, in order that good prices and comfortable homes may be secured. de 19--lm
Richmond (Virginia, United States) (search for this): article 3
Edward D. Eacho, General Agent and Collector. Office on 14th, between Main and Franklin sts., corner of Exchange Alley, Richmond, Virginia, Would respectfully inform his friends and the public generally, that he will continue the same line of business the ensuing year, viz: Renting out Houses, Farms, &c., Selling Real Estate, Hiring out and Selling Negroes, Negotiating Loans, Collecting Bonds, Notes, and Open Accounts, Adjusting Claims, and attending to all matters appertaining to a General Agent. Thankful for the liberal patronage he has received for the last nine years, would respectfully solicit a continuance of the same. Persons in the country intending to send me their servants for hire, would please do so if possible by the 1st or 2d of January, in order that good prices and comfortable homes may be secured. de 19--lm
ferson, the apostle of democracy, writes to John Breckinridge, after the acquisition of Louisiana, if the new nations which are to be formed on the banks of the Mississippi, find it to their interest to detach themselves from the main trunk, what have the Atlantic States to fear? It would be only a quarrel between the elder and the younger brother. God bless them both; let them continue their union if it be for their mutual good, or separate if they think it better, Mr. Lincoln himself, in 1848, said in the Senate, speaking of Hungary, 'A people has always and everywhere the right to change its Government, and to establish another which suits them better. This is our conviction and our experience. It is that inappreciable right which will emancipate the world.' At this moment, to prevent eight millions of his fellow citizens from changing the Govercment of which he is himself the impersonation, Mr. Lincoln braves the evils of a civil war, the end of which it is impossible to fores
e very Northern States that are now the most ferocious adversaries of the South. In the first years of the republic, in 1794, during the administration of Washington, an excise duty, laid by Congress upon distilled liquors, occasioned an insurrection in the Western part of Pennsylvania. Delegates from different counties met at Pittsburg, and from that point offered to Congress the alternative of abolishing the tax, or seeing those they represented secede and unite themselves to Canada. In 1814, at the most critical period of the war with England, seven States, constituting what is called New England, met in Convention at Hartford, in Connecticut, and on the 14th of December, declared that they would leave the Union if peace were not declared before the first of June, 1815. This was an act of pure desertion, unspeakably more criminal than that with which the secessionists of the South are charged. Patriotism only can make a nation. Egodem can make a people. The Americans are only
to an abstract principle, and the well-being of twenty-four millions be rendered certainly impossible, in order that the good of four millions, confessedly of an inferior caste, may possibly be promoted. M. Gaillardet is a man of talents; but the Bee is right when it avers that "Eutopia never reasons." Apart from the concessions which he makes to popular prejudices in Europe, M. G. treats the American question sensibly enough, when he considers it in a constitutional point of view. We give such portions of the article as we find from the French side of the Bee: "The war which the Northern portion of the American Union is waging against the Southern appears to us profoundly deplorable; because we believe success to be extremely difficult, if not absolutely impossible; because the right is doubtful on both sides; and because the mischief occasioned by the fratricidal struggle to the three great interests of humanity, commerce, and freedom, is not counter balanced by a sing
ut a man, and bodies of men are subject to the same agitations and moral sufferings with individuals. We were among the first to deprecate the overthrow of an edifice which France contributed so much to found, and we deplored the inertness of Mr. Buchanan when the flag of secession had yet been hoisted only by South Carolina. It might then have been easily brought down, and had it been so the movement might have been justly regarded, even by the other Southern States, as the factions proceeding of a minority. But the question assumed a new character the moment Lincoln's obstinacy, not less culpable than Buchanan's inaction, caused eleven Southern States out of fifteen to rally, one after the other, to the side of South Carolina, to proclaim their independence, and to organize a regular Government. It was no longer a mere insurrection; it was a solemn act, the result of mature deliberation. The insurrection had become a revolution. "When one of these fatal crises in the histor
Jefferson (search for this): article 1
ity of the Southern population was overruled and oppressed by the minority; an inference contradicted by the impartial testimony of facts, in the voluntary sacrifices which have been made by all classes of the inhabitants alike, rich and poor, that there are in operation in that war, other moving causes besides the slavery question. * * * * * * * * * "Union and force are a contradiction in terms. The idea of an amalgamation so monstrous, was repelled by the founders of the Republic. Jefferson, the apostle of democracy, writes to John Breckinridge, after the acquisition of Louisiana, if the new nations which are to be formed on the banks of the Mississippi, find it to their interest to detach themselves from the main trunk, what have the Atlantic States to fear? It would be only a quarrel between the elder and the younger brother. God bless them both; let them continue their union if it be for their mutual good, or separate if they think it better, Mr. Lincoln himself, in 184
shed to break the contract, on account of the heavy duties imposed upon foreign merchandise.--In a popular convention, elected with that view, she resolved, on the 19th March, that she would withdraw from the Union, if by a specified day, certain modifications of the tariff, which she had recommended in concert with other Southern States, were not effected. Her Governor called out the militia, and stood prepared to repel force by force, when a compromise, concerted between Messrs. Clay and Calhoun, was adopted by the Federal Congress and the Legislature of South Carolina. "One historical fact, from its peculiar hearing at this moment, ought not to be lost sight of. On two separate occasions since the foundation of the Union, before the moment just mentioned, the right of secession was asserted, and, in both instances, by those very Northern States that are now the most ferocious adversaries of the South. In the first years of the republic, in 1794, during the administration of
between the two sections of the Union, apart from the institution of slavery. The antipathy of their characters is not less profound, than the opposition of their interests. The one is almost exclusively agricultural; the other almost exclusively manufacturing. The tariffs which protect the latter, weighs heavily on the former. Right or wrong, they believe themselves imposed upon, and the Federal compact has become, in their view, nothing better than a beonine partnership. As long ago as 1832, South Carolina, the same State that gave the signal for separation in the present war, wished to break the contract, on account of the heavy duties imposed upon foreign merchandise.--In a popular convention, elected with that view, she resolved, on the 19th March, that she would withdraw from the Union, if by a specified day, certain modifications of the tariff, which she had recommended in concert with other Southern States, were not effected. Her Governor called out the militia, and stood
March 19th (search for this): article 1
The tariffs which protect the latter, weighs heavily on the former. Right or wrong, they believe themselves imposed upon, and the Federal compact has become, in their view, nothing better than a beonine partnership. As long ago as 1832, South Carolina, the same State that gave the signal for separation in the present war, wished to break the contract, on account of the heavy duties imposed upon foreign merchandise.--In a popular convention, elected with that view, she resolved, on the 19th March, that she would withdraw from the Union, if by a specified day, certain modifications of the tariff, which she had recommended in concert with other Southern States, were not effected. Her Governor called out the militia, and stood prepared to repel force by force, when a compromise, concerted between Messrs. Clay and Calhoun, was adopted by the Federal Congress and the Legislature of South Carolina. "One historical fact, from its peculiar hearing at this moment, ought not to be lost
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