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Senator Sumner (search for this): chapter 8
peak on any subject till he had dug down to its primal granite. He laid a most generous contribution on the altar of the antislavery cause. His speeches on our question, too short and too few, are remarkable for their compact statement, iron logic, bold denunciation, and the wonderful light thrown back upon our history. Yet how little do they present which was not familiar for years in our antislavery meetings! Look, too, at the last great effort of the idol of so many thousands, Mr. Senator Sumner,--the discussion of a great national question, of which it has been said that we must go back to Webster's Reply to Hayne, and Fisher Ames on the Jay Treaty, to find its equal in Congress,--praise which we might perhaps qualify, if any adequate report were left us of some of the noble orations of Adams. No one can be blind to the skilful use he has made of his materials, the consummate ability with which he has marshalled them, and the radiant glow which his genius has thrown over al
Charles Sumner (search for this): chapter 8
hen, or what, converted Burlingame and Wilson, Sumner and Adams, Palfrey and Mann, Chase and Hale, aghter and cheers.] My old and valued friend, Mr. Sumner, often boasts that he was a reader of the Lid tactics with ominous patience. It is when Mr. Sumner, in Faneuil Hall, avows his determination toa cubit. There they lose port and stature. Mr. Sumner's speech in the Senate unsays no part of hison-committal tone to which I have alluded in Mr. Sumner's. While professing, in the most eloquent tef mankind, for the elevation of our race. Mr. Sumner speaks in the same strain. He says:-- Td away. But even then, does Mr. Giddings or Mr. Sumner really believe that slavery, existing in its, I fancy, in that band of brothers ! And Mr. Sumner knows no better aim, under the Constitution,fforts of the slave's friends? No! I know Charles Sumner's love for the cause so well, that I am sutruck? [Loud applause.] I hope I am just to Mr. Sumner; I have known him long, and honor him. I kno[1 more...]
Charles Stuart (search for this): chapter 8
the famous Seventh of March Speech, in which, it will be remembered, he defended the Fugitive Slave Law, and fully committed himself to the Compromise Measures. Before taking his stand on that occasion, he is said to have corresponded with Professor Stuart, and other eminent divines, to ascertain how far the religious sentiment of the North would sustain him in the position he was about to assume. Some say this warm political friend was a clergyman! Consider a moment the language of this what superficial. The pro-slavery side of the question has been eagerly sustained by theological reviews and doctors of divinity without number, from the half-way and timid faltering of Wayland up to the unblushing and melancholy recklessness of Stuart. The argument on the other side has come wholly from the Abolitionists; for neither Dr. Hague nor Dr. Barnes can be said to have added anything to the wide research, critical acumen, and comprehensive views of Theodore D. Weld, Beriah Green, J.
Harriet Beecher Stowe (search for this): chapter 8
uld say a word. Marked and unequalled as has been that success, remember, in explanation of the phenomenon,--for Uncle Tom's cabin is rather an event than a book,--remember this: if the old antislavery movement had not roused the sympathies of Mrs. Stowe, the book had never been written; if that movement had not raised up hundreds of thousands of hearts to sympathize with the slave, the book had never been read. [Cheers.] Not that the genius of the author has not made the triumph all her own; e if even with such poor tools we cannot make some more. [Enthusiastic applause.] Antislavery zeal and the roused conscience of the godless come-outers made the trembling South demand the Fugitive Slave Law, and the Fugitive Slave Law provoked Mrs. Stowe to the good work of Uncle Tom. That is something! [Cheers.] Let me say, in passing, that you will nowhere find an earlier or more generous appreciation, or more flowing eulogy, of these men and their labors, than in the columns of the Liberat
Alvan Stewart (search for this): chapter 8
red man, the soundness of the Prigg decision, the constitutionality of the old Fugitive Slave Law, the true construction of the slave-surrender clause,--nothing has been added, either in the way of fact or argument, to the works of Jay, Weld, Alvan Stewart, E. G. Loring, S. E. Sewall, Richard Hildreth, W. I. Bowditch, the masterly essays of the Emancipator at New York and the Liberator at Boston, and the various addresses of the Massachusetts and American Societies for the last twenty years. Thits conscience for voting under a pro-slavery government,--I heard first suggested by Mr. Garrison in 1838. It was elaborately argued that year in all our antislavery gatherings, both here and in New York, and sustained with great ability by Alvan Stewart, and in part by T. D. Weld. The antislavery construction of the Constitution was ably argued in 1886, in the a Antislavery Magazine, by Rev. Samuel J. May, one of the very first to seek the side of Mr. Garrison, and pledge to the slave his l
Lysander Spooner (search for this): chapter 8
construction of the Constitution was ably argued in 1886, in the a Antislavery Magazine, by Rev. Samuel J. May, one of the very first to seek the side of Mr. Garrison, and pledge to the slave his life and efforts,--a pledge which thirty years of devoted labors have nobly redeemed. If it has either merit or truth, they are due to no legal learning recently added to our ranks, but to some of the old and well-known pioneers. This claim has since received the fullest investigation from Mr. Lysander Spooner, who has urged it with all his unrivalled ingenuity, laborious research, and close logic. He writes as a lawyer, and has no wish, I believe, to be ranked with any class of antislavery men. The influence of slavery on our government has received the profoundest philosophical investigation from th pen of Richard Hildreth, in his invaluable essay on Despotism in America, --a work which deserves a place by the side of the ablest political disquisitions of any age. Mrs. Chapman's s
Gerritt Smith (search for this): chapter 8
not, it is certainly true that his long presence at the seat of government, his whole-souled devotedness, his sagacity and unwearied industry, have made him a large contributor to our antislavery resources. The relations of the American Church to slavery, and the duties of private Christians,--the whole casuistry of this portion of the question, so momentous among descendants of the Puritans,--have been discussed with great acuteness and rare common-sense by Messrs. Garrison, Goodell, Gerritt Smith, Pillsbury, and Foster. They have never attempted to judge the American Church by any standard except that which she has herself laid down,--never claimed that she should be perfect, but have contented themselves by demanding that she should be consistent. They have never judged her except out of her own mouth, and on facts asserted by her own presses and leaders. The sundering of the Methodist and Baptist denominations, and the universal agitation of the religious world, are the best
Shakespeare (search for this): chapter 8
e labor and free labor, did not dare to compare New York with Virginia,--sister States, under the same government, planted by the same race, worshipping at the same altar, speaking the same language,--identical in all respects, save that one in which he wished to seek the contrast; but no; he compared it with Cuba,--[cheers and laughter,]--the contrast was so close! [Renewed cheers.] Catholic — Protestant; Spanish--Saxon; despotism — municipal institutions; readers of Lope de Vega and of Shakespeare; mutterers of the Masschildren of the Bible! But Virginia is too near home! So is Garrison! One would have thought there was something in the human breast which would sometimes break through policy. These noble-hearted men whom I have named must surely have found quite irksome the constant practice of what Dr. Gardiner used to call that despicable virtue, prudence ! [Laughter.] One would have thought, when they heard that name spoken with contempt, their ready eloquence would have lea
Samuel E. Sewall (search for this): chapter 8
search, critical acumen, and comprehensive views of Theodore D. Weld, Beriah Green, J. G. Fee, and the old work of Duncan. On the constitutional questions which have at various times arisen,--the citizenship of the colored man, the soundness of the Prigg decision, the constitutionality of the old Fugitive Slave Law, the true construction of the slave-surrender clause,--nothing has been added, either in the way of fact or argument, to the works of Jay, Weld, Alvan Stewart, E. G. Loring, S. E. Sewall, Richard Hildreth, W. I. Bowditch, the masterly essays of the Emancipator at New York and the Liberator at Boston, and the various addresses of the Massachusetts and American Societies for the last twenty years. The idea of the antislavery character of the Constitution,--the opiate with which Free Soil quiets its conscience for voting under a pro-slavery government,--I heard first suggested by Mr. Garrison in 1838. It was elaborately argued that year in all our antislavery gatherings, bo
Saxon (search for this): chapter 8
e was talking to the farmers of Western New York, and wished to contrast slave labor and free labor, did not dare to compare New York with Virginia,--sister States, under the same government, planted by the same race, worshipping at the same altar, speaking the same language,--identical in all respects, save that one in which he wished to seek the contrast; but no; he compared it with Cuba,--[cheers and laughter,]--the contrast was so close! [Renewed cheers.] Catholic — Protestant; Spanish--Saxon; despotism — municipal institutions; readers of Lope de Vega and of Shakespeare; mutterers of the Masschildren of the Bible! But Virginia is too near home! So is Garrison! One would have thought there was something in the human breast which would sometimes break through policy. These noble-hearted men whom I have named must surely have found quite irksome the constant practice of what Dr. Gardiner used to call that despicable virtue, prudence ! [Laughter.] One would have thought, when th
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