hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
Horace Greeley 888 2 Browse Search
Thurlow Weed 134 0 Browse Search
Zacheus Greeley 124 0 Browse Search
Henry Clay 120 0 Browse Search
William H. Seward 106 0 Browse Search
United States (United States) 76 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln 68 0 Browse Search
Nicolay-Hay Lincoln 64 0 Browse Search
U. S. Grant 62 0 Browse Search
Charles Francis Adams 60 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune. Search the whole document.

Found 497 total hits in 177 results.

... 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
January 23rd (search for this): chapter 8
ncertain, Albert Rust, of Arkansas, introduced a resolution declaring it the sentiment of the House that Banks (who lacked only three or four votes of election) and the three other leading candidates should forbid the use of their names any longer. Greeley considered this attempt to dictate to the House a gross outrage, and called it, in his correspondence with the Tribune, a more discreditable proposition than I had ever known gravely submitted to a legislative body. Thereupon Rust, on January 23, struck Greeley several blows with his fist as the editor was walking through the Capitol grounds, and repeated the assault when Greeley came up with him on his way to his hotel, breaking a cane over his critic's arm and inflicting on him a severe bruise. Greeley refused to prosecute his assailant, saying that he did not choose to be beaten for money, and that he did not think an antislavery editor could get justice in a Washington court. It was in 1856 also that the Tribune was indict
September 27th (search for this): chapter 8
amount duty of the day, and indicated that it was among those so defined by declaring that, while it did not lose sight of the importance of the protection of home industries, internal improvements, a sound financial policy, etc., it deemed the limitation of slavery to its present legal domain more imminent than any or all of them. It gave more attention to Irish than American politics in August and September; but the Whig hold on Greeley was a strong one, and at a meeting in Vauxhall on September 27 he confessed his belief that only by supporting Taylor could Cass be defeated, and the Taylor ticket appeared on his editorial page two days later. He never, however, became enthusiastic over the candidate, and, writing from Washington to the Tribune about the inauguration ball, he said: Had the dancing part of my education been less shockingly neglected, I should not have felt like dancing now. While a member of Congress (Greeley was elected that year) he took every opportunity to o
January, 1854 AD (search for this): chapter 8
gaging the Tribune's part in the overthrow of slavery. The Abolition journals, aside from the fact that they addressed, for the most part, readers who were already convinced, addressed few of these. Garrison's Liberator had only between 150 and 2,500 subscribers during its entire career, and the National Antislavery Standard, whose paying circulation in 1846 was 1,400, was kept alive by annual bazaars. The Tribune's circulation grew with the intensity of its antislavery views, and in January, 1854, it had a circulation of 96,000 for its weekly, and of 130,000 for its total issues. How Horace Greeley led on his readers, step by step, to face the great issue, we may now learn from the words he addressed to them. When conducting the New Yorker, in 1834, Greeley, while believing slavery to be at the bottom of most of the evils which affect the communities of the South, accepted and defended the right to be let alone, as regards this question, for which the South was contending. H
October, 1836 AD (search for this): chapter 8
ed by local or sectional feelings in dealing with such a question as slavery. Clay's nomination followed, but Van Buren was thrown over by the Democrats for Polk, although he had a majority on the first ballot, a resolution requiring a two-thirds vote to nominate having been carried. Some Abolitionists, under the name of the Liberty party, had in August, 1843, nominated James G. Birney as their candidate. Greeley was educated by the Texas controversy step by step. The New Yorker in October, 1836, opposed annexation as likely to cause a revival of the slavery controversy so happily adjusted by the Missouri compromise. On February 18, 1837, announcing the vote of the House denying to slaves the right of petition, it expressed a hope that thus the Abolition question, which has so considerably misimproved the time and temper of the House of Representatives, was put to rest, we trust, for the remainder of the session. On the twenty-third of December following, it headed an account
January 30th (search for this): chapter 8
re cited, and it was declared that these measures of aggression must be met. Finally, the address strenuously urged united action on the part of the South, closing thus: As the assailed, you would stand justified by all laws, human and divine, in repelling a blow so dangerous without looking to consequences, and to resort to all means necessary for that purpose. Your assailants, and not you, would be responsible for the consequences. The proceedings of these caucuses were published on January 30, and the Tribune with them printed an editorial in which it asserted that nothing was ever better adapted to the great work of arousing and fixing the North, and added: Then, as to the other monstrous grievance, the free States--shamed into manhood by the Abolitionists of various species This was anticipatory of Lincoln's declaration: I have been only the instrument. The logic and moral power of Garrison and the antislavery people of the country, and the army, have done all.--will not
May 21st, 1836 AD (search for this): chapter 8
its own internal government and enjoying its own speculative opinions, provided only for the common benefit and mutual well-being of the whole. And why should not this arrangement be satisfactory and perfect? Why should not even the existing evils of one section be left to the correction of its own wisdom and experience when pointed out by the unerring finger of experience? The New Yorker supplies expressions of the editor's views of the agitation stirred up by the Abolitionists. On May 21, 1836, condemning an attack on an antislavery convention at Granville, Ohio, it expressed a hope that, on the next occasion of this kind, the real and substantial opponents of the antislavery agitation would repress the mob pretending to act in their behalf, and said: It is quite enough to have some hundreds of Abolitionist declaimers exciting the public mind with regard to this subject, without obliging us to look with complaisance on such suicidal outrages committed in the name of the cause o
January 31st (search for this): chapter 8
Mexico, without any conditions as to slavery; declared it inexpedient to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, while it continued in Maryland, and without the consent of the people of the District, but opposed the slave-trade therein; pronounced in favor of a more efficient provision for the restitution of fugitive slaves, and asserted that Congress had no power to prohibit or abolish trade in slaves between slaveholding States. The Tribune parted from its leader at once, and on January 31 compared Clay's effort to secure peace to the man who rushed between a fighting husband and wife, and was whipped by both. No, it declared, we are not yet ready for compromise on either side. Thus far our side has lost by compromise, and gained by struggles. We know well that Mr. Clay's heart is right, and that his views are temperate and far-seeing. But their adoption by the North as its own, in the present state of the case, is quite another affair. On February 1 it added to this p
August, 1843 AD (search for this): chapter 8
constitutionality of acquiring Texas by treaty, and pointed out that annexation meant war with Mexico, but said that he was not to be influenced by local or sectional feelings in dealing with such a question as slavery. Clay's nomination followed, but Van Buren was thrown over by the Democrats for Polk, although he had a majority on the first ballot, a resolution requiring a two-thirds vote to nominate having been carried. Some Abolitionists, under the name of the Liberty party, had in August, 1843, nominated James G. Birney as their candidate. Greeley was educated by the Texas controversy step by step. The New Yorker in October, 1836, opposed annexation as likely to cause a revival of the slavery controversy so happily adjusted by the Missouri compromise. On February 18, 1837, announcing the vote of the House denying to slaves the right of petition, it expressed a hope that thus the Abolition question, which has so considerably misimproved the time and temper of the House of R
February 1st (search for this): chapter 8
er at once, and on January 31 compared Clay's effort to secure peace to the man who rushed between a fighting husband and wife, and was whipped by both. No, it declared, we are not yet ready for compromise on either side. Thus far our side has lost by compromise, and gained by struggles. We know well that Mr. Clay's heart is right, and that his views are temperate and far-seeing. But their adoption by the North as its own, in the present state of the case, is quite another affair. On February 1 it added to this protest, To countermarch in the face of a determined and formidable foe is peril if not ruin. Our tower of strength and of safety is the Wilmot proviso. Let the Union be a thousand times shivered, it said two weeks later, rather than we should aid you to plant slavery on free soil. Greeley devoted a column on March 9 to the notable speech of Daniel Webster made two days previous. The following citations will show his spirit: At such a crisis as the present ther
July 4th, 1834 AD (search for this): chapter 8
ing, at which an address would be made by George Thompson, an eloquent assailant of slavery, handbills were circulated announcing that a purse of $100 had been raised by patriotic citizens to reward the individual who shall first lay violent hands on Thompson so that he may be brought to the tar-kettle before dark. Friends of the Union, be vigilant! and the meeting was broken up by a mob which the mayor confessed himself unable to control. A meeting of Abolitionists in Philadelphia, on July 4, 1834, was made the occasion of mob violence, in which Lewis Tappen's house was gutted, and other buildings, including churches, were damaged, and unoffending negroes were assaulted in the streets; these disorders continued for several days, and extended into New Jersey. The public animosity shown to the Abolitionists in the North was quite as determined against any attempt to better the condition of negroes. The Jim Crow cars of the Southern States to-day were common on Massachusetts rail
... 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18