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Browsing named entities in a specific section of C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. Search the whole document.

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Montesquieu (search for this): chapter 120
e land. Through its influence, population, values of all kinds, manufactures, commerce, railroads, canals, charities, the post-office, colleges, professional schools, academies, public schools, newspapers, periodicals, books, authorship, inventions, are all stunted, and, under a Government which professes to be founded on the intelligence of the people, one in five of native white adults in the region of Slavery is officially reported as unable to read and write. Never was the saying of Montesquieu more triumphantly verified, that countries are not cultivated by reason of their fertility, but by reason of their liberty. To this truth the Slave States testify perpetually by every possible voice. Liberty is the powerful agent which drives the plough, the spindle, and the keel,—opens avenues of all kinds,—inspires charity,—awakens love of knowledge, and supplies the means of gratifying it. Liberty is the first of schoolmasters: nay, more; it is the Baconian philosophy of Civilization<
John Wesley (search for this): chapter 120
disinclination to press the argument against those whom I knew to have all the sensitiveness of a sick man. But, God be praised, this time has passed, and the debate is now lifted from details to principles. Grander debate has not occurred in our history,—rarely in any history; nor can it close or subside, except with the triumph of Freedom. Viii: first assumption. Of course I begin with the assumption of fact, which must be treated at length. It was the often-quoted remark of John Wesley, who knew well how to use words, as also how to touch hearts, that Slavery is the sum of all villainies. The phrase is pungent; but it were rash in any of us to criticise the testimony of that illustrious founder of Methodism, whose ample experience of Slavery in Georgia and the Carolinas seems to have been all condensed in this sententious judgment. Language is feeble to express all the enormity of an institution which is now exalted as in itself a form of civilization, ennobling at le
Hamlin (search for this): chapter 120
r disease. Xxx. On the 29th of the same month, the Republicans of Massachusetts assembled in Mass Convention at Worcester, to ratify the nomination of Mr. Lincoln for President, and John A. Andrew, for the first time, as Governor of Massachusetts. Mr. Sumner delivered the principal speech, on The Presidential Candidates, and the Issues of the Canvass. He went into a clear and analytical exposition of the entire merits of the question,—the comparative claims for support of Lincoln and Hamlin, representing the now formidable Republican party; of Breckenridge and Lane, the candidates of the now clearly announced champions of the Democratic Pro-Slavery Party; of Douglas and Johnson, the candidates of the seceding body of Democrats, known as the Douglas, or Squatter Sovereignty Party; and of bell and Everett, candidates of the few old remaining Whigs, who, like venerable barnacles, were still clinging to a sinking ship. Nothing but imperative necessity exeludes that speech from th
Loudon (search for this): chapter 120
s and imports, was $404,365,503; of the Slave States, $132,062,196. The exports of the Free States were $167,520,693; of the Slave States, including the vaunted cotton crop, $107,475,668. The imports of the Free States were $236,844,810; of the Slave States, $24,586,528. The foreign commerce of New York alone was more than twice as large as that of all the Slave States; her imports were larger, and her exports were larger also. Add to this evidence of figures the testimony of a Virginian, Mr. Loudon, in a letter written just before the sitting of a Southern Commercial Convention. Thus he complains and testifies:— There are not half a dozen vessels engaged in our own trade that are owned in Virginia; and I have been unable to find a vessel at Liverpool loading for Virginia within three years, during the height of our busy season. Xxi. Railroads and canals are the avenues of commerce; and here again the Free States excel. Of railroads in operation in 1854, there were 13,
John Brown (search for this): chapter 120
ld; and his colleague [Mr. Chesnut] takes up the strain. One Senator from Mississippi [Mr. Jefferson Davis] adds, that Slavery is but a form of civil government for those who by their nature are not fit to govern themselves; and his colleague [Mr. Brown] openly vaunts that it is a great moral, social, and political blessing,— a blessing to the slave, and a blessing to the master. One Senator front Virginia [Mr. Hunter], in a studied vindication of what he is pleased to call the social system ty of a whole race is exposed to violence, while the result is recorded in tell-tale faces of children, glowing with a master's blood, but doomed for their mother's skin to Slavery through descending generations. The Senator from Mississippi [Mr. Brown], galled by the comparison between Slavery and Polygamy, winces. I hail this sensibility as the sign of virtue. Let him reflect, and he will confess that there are many disgusting elements in Slavery, not present in Polygamy, while the single
Gulf (search for this): chapter 120
race only 612,597 square miles. Here is a difference of more than 238,000 square miles in favor of the Slave States, showing that Freedom starts in this great rivalry with a field more than a quarter less than that of Slavery. In happiness of climate, adapted to productions of special value,—in exhaustless motive power distributed throughout its space,— in natural highways, by more than fifty navigable rivers, never closed by the rigors of winter,—and in a stretch of coast, along Ocean and Gulf, indented by hospitable harbors,—the whole presenting incomparable advantages for that true Civilization, where agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, both domestic and foreign, blend,—in all these respects the Slave States excel the Free States, whose climate is often churlish, whose motive power is less various, whose navigable rivers are fewer and often sealed by ice, and whose coast, while less in extent and with fewer harbors, is often perilous from storm and cold. Xvii. But
Hunter (search for this): chapter 120
th Carolina [Mr. Hammond] insists that its frame of society is the best in the world; and his colleague [Mr. Chesnut] takes up the strain. One Senator from Mississippi [Mr. Jefferson Davis] adds, that Slavery is but a form of civil government for those who by their nature are not fit to govern themselves; and his colleague [Mr. Brown] openly vaunts that it is a great moral, social, and political blessing,— a blessing to the slave, and a blessing to the master. One Senator front Virginia [Mr. Hunter], in a studied vindication of what he is pleased to call the social system of the South, exalts Slavery as the normal condition of human society, beneficial to the non-slave-owner as it is to the slave-owner, best for the happiness of both races,—and, in enthusiastic advocacy, declares, that the very keystone of the mighty arch, which, by its concentrated strength, and by the mutual support of its parts, is able to sustain our social superstructure, consists in the black-marble block of Af
Samuel Adams (search for this): chapter 120
d the latter, $24,725. The amount contributed for Missions by Massachusetts was greater than that contributed by all the Slave States, and more than eight times that contributed by South Carolina. Nor have the Free States been backward in charity for the benefit of the Slave States. The records of Massachusetts show that as long ago as 1781, at the beginning of the Government, there was a contribution throughout the Commonwealth, under the particular direction of that eminent patriot, Samuel Adams, for the relief of inhabitants of South Carolina and Georgia. In 1855 we were saddened by the prevalence of yellow fever in Portsmouth, Virginia; and now, from a report of the Relief Commitee of that place, we learn that the amount of charity contributed by the Slave States exclusive of Virginia, the afflicted State, was $12,182; and including Virginia, it was $33,398; while $42,547 was contributed by the Free States. Xxii. In all this array we see the fatal influence of Slavery.
Waddy Thompson (search for this): chapter 120
r as the duty of man, and declaring that in the sweat of his face shall he eat his bread. The Slave-Master says, No! this is true of the slave, of the black man, but not of the white man: he shall not eat his bread in the sweat of his face. Thus is the brand of degradation stamped upon that daily toil which contributes so much to a true Civilization. It is a constant boast in the Slave States, that white men there will not perform work performed in the Free States. Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Waddy Thompson made this boast. Let it be borne in mind, then, that, where Slavery prevails, there is not only despair for the black man, but inequality and ignominy for the white laborer. By necessary consequence, the latter, whether emigrating from our Free States or fleeing from oppression and wretchedness in his European home, avoids a region disabled by such a social law. Hence a twofold injustice: practically he is excluded from the land, while the land itself becomes a prey to that paralysis
Bianchi (search for this): chapter 120
urn away wrath; but what is the wrath of man? This is no time to abandon any advantage in the argument. Senators sometimes announce that they resist Slavery on political grounds only, and remind us that they say nothing of the moral question. This is wrong. Slavery must be resisted not only on political grounds, but on all other grounds, whether social, economical, or moral. Ours is no holiday contest; nor is it any strife of rival factions, of White and Red Roses, of theatric Neri and Bianchi; but it is a solemn battle between Right and Wrong, between Good and Evil. Such a battle cannot be fought with rosewater. There is austere work to be done, and Freedom cannot consent to fling away any of her weapons. If I were disposed to shrink from this discussion, the boundless assumptions made by Senators on the other side would not allow me. The whole character of Slavery, as a pretended form of Civilization, is put directly in issue, with a pertinacity and a hardihood which banis
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