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December 23rd, 1851 AD (search for this): chapter 8
speech at Philadelphia, he goes, for the first time, further, explains his plan, and pledges himself distinctly to silence. There are two words which one would think Kossuth had never conquered, even in his marvellous mastery of the English tongue,--slavery and slave-holding; and even here, while necessarily alluding to them, he cannot frame his lips to speak their syllables. Some one had forged the following letter to him, warning him of his nearness to the slave-holding States:-- December 23, 1851. Hon. Louis Kossuth: Respected Sir,--It is my unpleasant duty to apprise you that the intervention or non-intervention sentiments that you have promulgated in your speeches in the city of New York, are unsuitable to the region of Pennsylvania, situated as she is on the borders of several slaveholding States; and after a conference with my distinguished uncle the Hon. John Sargent, the Hon. Horace Binney, and other distinguished counsellors, who concur with me in the sentiment, I fe
Kossuth (1851). Speech delivered at the Antislavery Bazaar, Saturday evening, December 27, 1851. I have been requested to consider this evening, the position which Kossuth occupies in relation to the Antislavery cause in America. I need not say to those who have traced the course of this illustrious man, that it must be with the profoundest regret that any one who loves liberty can utter the first word of criticism in regard to him. His life has been, up to the time of his landing on o the liberty of twelve millions in Hungary is as much a question of Austrian politics, as the question of the three millions of slaves under the United States Constitution, and the human beings sent back as chattels under the Fugitive Slave Law of 1851, is a question of American politics. Do not think either that I am so far out of the way in sending Fayette to Austria. Let me turn aside before I finish the illustration. What is Austria? Who is Haynau? The culminating star of Austrian atr
ded support on Irish matters. Whenever your country's claims come up, you shall be sure of fifty votes on your side. No! said O'Connell; let God care for Ireland; I will never shut my mouth on the slave question to save her! [Loud cheers.] He stood with eight millions whom he loved; he stood with & peasantry at his back meted out and trodden under foot as cruelly as the Magyar; he stood with those behind him who had been trampled under the horses' feet of the British soldiery in 1782 and 1801; he knew the poverty and wretchedness, he knew the oppression under which the Irish groaned: but never for a moment, would he consent to lift Ireland,--whose woes, we may well suppose, rested heavily on the heart of her greatest son, --by the sacrifice of the interests or the freedom of any other portion of the race. When, said the friend who told me this anecdote, in conclusion,--when there were no more than two or three of us in the House of Commons, O'Connell would leave any court or any
December 27th, 1851 AD (search for this): chapter 8
Kossuth (1851). Speech delivered at the Antislavery Bazaar, Saturday evening, December 27, 1851. I have been requested to consider this evening, the position which Kossuth occupies in relation to the Antislavery cause in America. I need not say to those who have traced the course of this illustrious man, that it must be with the profoundest regret that any one who loves liberty can utter the first word of criticism in regard to him. His life has been, up to the time of his landing on our shores, one continued sacrifice on the altar of his country's independence. He has never forgotten her. He gave her the bloom of his youth. He has given her the first fruits of his genius. He has been true to her amid the temptations of ambitious life. He has been her martyr in the horrible dungeons of the despots of Europe. He stood by her equally under temptations of success. His name has become synonymous with patriotism and devotion to the rights of his race. He came to us heralde
e same great principle !! He comes to a land where, according to the same indisputable authority, a knot of slave-holders give the law and prescribe the policy of the country; and the indignant foe of Austrian rule, his eyes sharpened by a tempest-tossed life, finds no occasion but for eulogy! He comes to a land where, says the same venerable statesman, the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of slavery is the vital and animating spirit of the National Government, and where, since 1780, slavery, slave-holding, slave-breeding, and slave-trading have formed the whole foundation of the policy of the Federal Government; and the sharpened eyes of the European patriot, whose baptism of liberty was in the damps of an Austrian dungeon, sees only a glorious country, . . . great, glorious, and free; . . . a glorious republic; her glorious flag the proud ensign of man's divine origin; the asylum of oppressed humanity ; her welcome the trumpet of resurrection for down-trodden humanity
ur undivided support on Irish matters. Whenever your country's claims come up, you shall be sure of fifty votes on your side. No! said O'Connell; let God care for Ireland; I will never shut my mouth on the slave question to save her! [Loud cheers.] He stood with eight millions whom he loved; he stood with & peasantry at his back meted out and trodden under foot as cruelly as the Magyar; he stood with those behind him who had been trampled under the horses' feet of the British soldiery in 1782 and 1801; he knew the poverty and wretchedness, he knew the oppression under which the Irish groaned: but never for a moment, would he consent to lift Ireland,--whose woes, we may well suppose, rested heavily on the heart of her greatest son, --by the sacrifice of the interests or the freedom of any other portion of the race. When, said the friend who told me this anecdote, in conclusion,--when there were no more than two or three of us in the House of Commons, O'Connell would leave any cour
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