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lution and the Second. If we had no other encouragement the led lustrailous with which history is full wounded sustain us with the assurance that a determined people fighting for their liberties cannot be conquered. You know that in the war of the Revolution we had greater difficulties to accounter than now beset us. It is a notable fact that we were whipped in three-fourths of the battles of the Revolution. The enemy took the city of Charleston, marched through South Carolina, driving Marion and Sumner into the swamps, then into North Carolina, driving our forces back into the wilderness of Virginia, and then returned to Wilington, having traversed two States with the air of a conqueror. How far have the Yankees penetrated these two States? Our currency is in unsettled condition at twenty for one, but that of our Revolutionary forefathers eight hundred for one. The enemy hold every seaboard city, and indeed almost every city in the interior. Our armies were scattered. The
m. Solomon says there is nothing new under the sun — of which the modern saying that history repeats itself is but a paraphrase. The records of nations are full of just such trials as we are passing through, and, combined, present a panorama of God's dealings with communities and races. We cannot understand the deep significance of the Present. When it becomes the Past we will comprehend it, and as plainly read the workings of Providence in our national affairs as the captive prophet Ezekiel saw by the river Chebar the appearance of the likeness of the glory of friend in the whirlwind which came from the North. I have faith to believe that He does the blood of our gallant boys shall be shed in vain. It is implety to suppose that. He will let us be conquered by such a cruel and wicked race as the Yankee, if we only prove true to ourselves. Our sons are filled with martial enthusiasm; they have made a piece of common bunting, that not cause months ago was no more than any o
f the Confederacy and put it into the arms of Lincoln. Just so soon as you entered into the old Unis bargain. [Voices--"That's so."] What Lincoln offers to those who submit. Now, what does Mr. Lincoln promise the State of North Carolina? In what language does he clothe his gracious te. Lee. When the U. S. Congress last met, Lincoln was called upon by the pressure of public senose upon us if we consent to the only terms Mr. Lincoln offers us. They cannot go to the North. I ones. But are they doing any better in Mr. Lincoln's country? Poor old Kentucky, that we usedshe would take no part in the quarrel. But Mr. Lincoln soon thrashed neutrality out of Kentucky, mne of them opposed to the abolition policy of Lincoln's Administration. An individual by the name m has sent down against us? In April, 1861, Lincoln called for seventy-five thousand men. One monn raised, there is encouragement to believe Mr. Lincoln is trying to scare us by making a show of s[4 more...]
Vallandigham (search for this): article 1
ast, while we are simmering and frying, and the under side done pretty brown, to look over into the coals and estimate their temperature.--We might be glad enough to get back into the pan, hot as it is. [Applause and merriment.] Seward boasted to Lord Lyons that he could touch a bell at his table and arrest any man in the United States, and no man dare inquire why or wherefore. He has arrested editors in almost every town in the North for a simple expression of opinion. He arrested Vallandigham, tried him by a military court, in open violation of the Constitution, and banished him. I hardly think we could find much protection for civil liberty in the dominion of Abraham the First. There is talk of the writ of habeas corpus being suspended in the Southern States. I understand it has already been suspended by Congress; but the suspension of this writ may not be in contravention of the Constitution; for the courts have decided that Congress can suspend the writ within certain lim
ction between the Poles and the conquerors that they refuse to mix, and have retained their inherent nationality, though every quarter of a century demands for it a sacrifice of blood. For a while peace would reign in Warsaw, but some act of oppression — the whipping of delicate ladies on the bare back in the public streets, for instance — would cause the people to boil over in a fresh ebullition of indignation, and a torrent of blood to flow until "peace" was again restored. Just so with Ireland. It did not, like Scotland, hold out to the bitter end, but obtained "peace," and over since one of the noblest races on the face of the earth has been engaged, except when fighting their oppressors, in fattening suckling pigs for the delicate palates of their foreign masters, whilst their children cried for bread; and at length their magnificent country is being depopulated by the policy of the enlightened conquerors, who find that sheep are more valuable than men. Like the Yankees, they
A. E. Burnside (search for this): article 1
them opposed to the abolition policy of Lincoln's Administration. An individual by the name of Burnside--Gen. Burnside--A. E. Burnside — I had the honor of making his acquaintance down at Newbern, thGen. Burnside--A. E. Burnside — I had the honor of making his acquaintance down at Newbern, though I hadn't much time to exchange compliments with him. I had an engagement about that time, and had to cut the interview rather short. [Laughter.] Well, Gen. A. E. Burnside, aforesaid, was in KenA. E. Burnside — I had the honor of making his acquaintance down at Newbern, though I hadn't much time to exchange compliments with him. I had an engagement about that time, and had to cut the interview rather short. [Laughter.] Well, Gen. A. E. Burnside, aforesaid, was in Kentucky about the time of the election, and proclaimed martial law over the entire State. Now, there is a great difference between the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in certain cases and the eGen. A. E. Burnside, aforesaid, was in Kentucky about the time of the election, and proclaimed martial law over the entire State. Now, there is a great difference between the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in certain cases and the extension of martial law over a State. The former takes cognizance of a certain class of high crimes, but does not otherwise interfere with the civil functions of the community. When martial law is of tobacco without the permission of the provost-marshal. [Here Gov. V. read the order of Burnside in Kentucky, permitting no person to vote who had uttered disloyal language, and requiring all <
ing, be able to quote the passage of Scripture: "it was good for me to be here." Now, what is it you desire above all other present earthly good? [Voices--"peace, " "peace," "we all want peace."] I know you do. Everybody wants peace. Peace, blessed peace! Why, the man who does not desire peace is unworthy of existence. Peace! It is one of the highest and holiest attributes of Deity, so much so, that our blessed Saviour, Jesus Christ, was called the Prince of Peace. The great Apostle Paul said of the highest character of peace, the peace of God that "it pass all understanding." Now, if you really want peace his great blessing to repose upon our bleeding country, your sons to return from the battle field and take their position again in the family circle, commerce and agriculture to resume their beneficent away, the sword beaten into the plowshare and industry again to stretch her wand over the was beaten fields till they bloom as a garden I suppose, at reasonable men, you are
Speech of Governor Vance. We publish below a condensation of the speech, we may say without exaggeration the great speech, of Gov. Vance, of North Carolina, delivered at Wilkesboro', N. C., on the 22d ult. It will be well repay reading, and should be circulated throughout the Confederacy. The Foll of Secession from the Confederacy. A who have been afflicted as you have been afflicted; a people who suffer as you suffer; a people whose gallant boys have been slaughtered as your sons have fallen on the battle field; whose darlings now languish in Northern prisons; wives whose husbands are wasting in far distant camps weary months of listless inactivity, while the weeds choke the scanty harvest, and the children pine for the presence and support of their natural protector; old men, who in fever anxiety await intelligence which each succeeding mail may bring of the slaughter of the pride and support of their declining years — all are liable to reach out, with the spirit of a
April, 1861 AD (search for this): article 1
ean manufacture. Almost every man I see here to-day is well clothed in the product of our own looms; and the ladies, God bless them, look in their homespuns prettier than they ever did. We will soon be commercially independent of the whole world. We had originally, including the States we claim, a population of eight million white people and four million blacks. Now we number not more than five million white people. How many troops do you suppose Abraham has sent down against us? In April, 1861, Lincoln called for seventy-five thousand men. One month later he called for sixty four thousand. From July to December (the old fellow began to get scared) he called for five hundred thousand. In July, 1862, he called for three hundred thousand; in August, 1862, for three hundred thousand; in 1863 he drafted three hundred thousand, and has a draft now pending for five hundred thousand more; making in all about two million and thirty-nine thousand men he has called for to send down upon
ulation of eight million white people and four million blacks. Now we number not more than five million white people. How many troops do you suppose Abraham has sent down against us? In April, 1861, Lincoln called for seventy-five thousand men. One month later he called for sixty four thousand. From July to December (the old fellow began to get scared) he called for five hundred thousand. In July, 1862, he called for three hundred thousand; in August, 1862, for three hundred thousand; in 1863 he drafted three hundred thousand, and has a draft now pending for five hundred thousand more; making in all about two million and thirty-nine thousand men he has called for to send down upon us — almost half as many soldiers as we have men, women and children in the Confederacy. Their locality is about as questionable, if they have all started South, as the passengers on a train at a smash-up described by a darkey who was illustrating the difference between a stage-coach and a railway accid
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