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Edmund Burke (search for this): chapter 17
greatest, perhaps its only, danger. The planting of these states always amazed the casual observer, and has been a subject of the deepest interest to thoughtful men. The wildest theories of the human reason were reduced to practice by a community so humble that no statesman condescended to notice it, and a legislature without precedent was produced off-hand by the instincts of the people. The profoundest scholar of that day said, No man is wiser for his learning, --a sentiment which Edmund Burke almost echoed; and it seems as if our comparatively unlettered fathers proved it. They framed a government which, after two hundred years, is still the wonder and the study of statesmen. It was only another proof that governments are not made, they grow, that the heart is the best logician, that character, which is but cousin to instinct, is a better guide than philosophy. Wordsworth said, of a similar awakening: A few strong instincts, and a few plain rules, Among the herdsmen of the A
Theodore Parker (search for this): chapter 17
Mobs and education. On Sunday forenoon, says the Liberator of December 21, 1860, the Twenty-Eighth Congregational Society (Theodore Parker's Fraternity) held their usual Sunday meeting in Music Hall. It having been rumored for several days previous, that Mr. Phillips was likely to be mobbed and assaulted, a large detachment of police was in attendance at the hall, at an early hour. Before the services commenced, large numbers of the police were stationed in two small rooms adjoining the platform. Others were stationed in various parts of the hall, and building. Members of the detective police force were also present ...... The regular religious exercises of the day were conducted in the usual manner. I was present here last Sunday, and noticed that some of the friends of the speaker expressed their sympathy with his sentiments by applause. You will allow me to request that to-day, at least, we preserve the usual decorum of this place and this hour, and listen
Charles O'Connor (search for this): chapter 17
eting of the 3d of December, [applause and cries of Good, ] and, without violating the right of free speech, organized it, and spoke the sober sense of Boston! I propose to examine the events of that morning, in order to see what idea our enlightened press entertain of the way in which gentlemen take possession of a meeting, and the fitness of those gentlemen to take possession of a meeting. On the 3d of December, certain gentlemen--Rev. J. Sella Martin, James Redpath, Mr. Eldridge, Mr. O'Connor, Mr. Le Barnes-hired the Temple for a Convention to assemble at their request. The circular which they issued a month before, in November, invited the leaders and representatives of all the antislavery bodies, and those who have done honor to their own souls by the advocacy of human freedom, to meet them in convention. Certainly the fops and the clerks of Boston could not come under that description. The notice published the day before proclaimed that the convention was not met for deb
John P. Bigelow (search for this): chapter 17
ne finger, that he remonstrated with one rioter, and we will grant him that excuse. But the pilot who says the storm is too strong for him must show that he put his hand once, at least, upon the helm, to see whether it would obey the hold. Our present Mayor is not singular; he does not stand alone. We have not had a decent Mayor for ten years. [Sensation, and vehement hisses.] Vassals of the grog shop, and mortgaged to State Street, what could you expect from them? Of course Smith and Bigelow are beneath notice,--mere hounds of the slave-hunt, a hand's-breadth ahead of the pack. But these other degenerate magistrates find here and there a predecessor to keep them in countenance; indeed, all the Mayors on the Atlantic coast are their models, with one or two noble exceptions. That mob which Messrs. Fay and Howe inaugurated spent the night among our colored citizens' dwellings, beating, kicking, and stabbing all whom they met. The police were on special duty in those streets in t
John Brown (search for this): chapter 17
d quality of the meeting was shown by the statement of that notice, that it chose the anniversary of the martyrdom. of John Brown as the day for its meeting, and mentioning his death as too glorious to need defence or eulogy. If any one of Mr. Fay's associates entered that hall with written resolutions in their pockets, denouncing John Brown and expressing horror for his piratical, bloody, and nefarious attempt, by what claim, as gentlemen, do they justify their presence there? But waive tyou, Who is he? But all Europe, the leaders and the masses, spoke by the lips of Victor Hugo, when he said, The death of Brown is more than Cain killing Abel; it is Washington slaying Spartacus. [Laughter from some parts of the hall, and from othe the hucksters and fops of the Exchange? This day on which I speak, a year ago, those brave young hearts which held up John Brown's hands faced death without a murmur, for the slave's sake. In the light of their example, God forbid we should give u
ng Winter Street, the mob, which almost blockaded the street, yelled and hissed, and gave vent to their impotent rage by such cries as those given above; but the party proceeded down the street, and up Washington Street, surrounded by a strong detachment of police, and followed by an immense throng of people, many of them, however, friends of Mr. Phillips, and determined to protect him from injury. No demonstrations of violence, happily, were made. The singular procession excited the attention of people living on the route largely, and the windows looking on the street were crowded with faces expressing wonder and curiosity. Arrived at his house in Essex Street, Mr. Phillips entered, with a few of his friends, when three cheers were given by some of those present, which were answered by hisses from the other side. Deputy-Chief Ham then requested the crowd to disperse, which they did, though somewhat slowly, and with manifest reluctance. So ended the disgraceful scene. Liberator
e fact which Tocqueville has noticed, that practically our institutions protect, not the interests of the whole community, but the interests of the majority. Every man knows best how to manage his own affairs. Simple statement, perfectly sound; but we mix it up somehow with that other rule, that every man is eligible to office, and then we hurry on to the habit of considering every man competent for everything. Does a man achieve success in some particular point, we hail him a universal Crichton, and endow him with a genius for all work. A mechanic invents a new stitch in a carpet-web; straightaway he is named for Congress. Does a man edit a Respectable Daily to bankruptcy, we put him on a commission to choose for us water not fit to drink, or let him carry a railroad half-way to ruin, by paying dividends that were never earned. That militia colonel survived a Western brawl,--call it a battle and a victory, and choose him President at once. This man is a brilliant historian,--s
ot born in Boston, let us save the dear old town from the disgrace of having them called Boston gentlemen. The gossip of the street says they were excusable on account of pecuniary losses,--they were men out of employ. The ringleader said he came there to save his property. Let us examine of what material the mob was really made. We have a right to inquire, it is important we should know, who make up this Chamber of Inquisitors, this new Star-Chamber, which undertakes to tell us, as Archbishop Laud and Charles Stuart told our fathers, what creed we shall hold, and what public meetings we shall attend. Who were they? Weak sons of moderate fathers, dandled into effeminacy, of course wholly unfit for business. But overflowing trade sometimes laps up such, as it does all obtainable instruments. Instead of fire-engines, we take pails and dippers, in times of sore need. But such the first frost nips into idleness. Narrow men, ambitious of office, fancying that the inheritance of
Frederick Douglass (search for this): chapter 17
ch undertake to know, style him the rightful Chairman. And when Mr. Douglass, in common courtesy, handed him a glass of water, Mr. Fay says, this Mr. Fay! A glass of water is his title to office, and Mr. Frederick Douglass is authorized to confer it. And then commences an exhibi motion to adjourn. Mr. Fay puts it. While he is doing so, Mr. Frederick Douglass addresses him. He turns, introduces Mr. Douglass to the audMr. Douglass to the audience, and gives him the floor, ignorant again-ignorant again — that a motion to adjourn is not debatable. Some one in the audience, while MrMr. Douglass is speaking, reminds him there is a motion before the house. This vigilant Chairman waves the speaker aside, puts the motion to adjourn, declares it carried, and then introduces Mr. Douglass again to this adjourned Convention, and bids him remember the rule of the call, ta dead Convention sits and listens half an hour to a speech from Mr. Douglass. Whereafter, another man makes a motion to adjourn; he puts it,
thiest houses have petitioned you to stop the meeting? Yes, sir. What shall you do if they appear, and put a stop to the lecture? Send them to the watch-house. [Applause.] Mr. Curtis lectured, and Mayor Henry was re-elected. While such men live, I am opposed to rotation in office. [Laughter.] It is a long while since we have had such a Mayor. Your magistrates have always needed twenty-four hours, and closetings with indignant citizens, before they learned their duties. In 1835, Mayor Lyman,--a lawyer, a scholar, a gentleman,--instead of protecting Mr. Garrison, or dying in front of him, spent the critical hour of the mob's existence in vaina intercessions with his personal friends, in pitiful appeals to drunken broadcloth, [slight hissing,] and went home to realize the noble opportunity he had lost of endearing his memory to law, liberty, and the good name of the city, to realize the grave duty he had failed to meet, and to spend his after life in bitter and unavailing regr
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