Your search returned 102 results in 52 document sections:

1 2 3 4 5 6
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
onstable; and this will be the case from this time during my life. You will read the President's letter. Aug. 26, 1863, to the Illinois Union convention. It is like him, unique and characteristic; but he states the case very well. It has given assurance that there is no chance of compromise. Of course not; every day makes the end of slavery more certain. To R. Schleiden, September 6:— Your note was most instructive. You were right,—there will be no war on account of poor Poland. What means the policy of the emperor on this continent? I fear trouble ahead. The President's recent letter was all that I had ever promised. It is his best production. If there had been any doubt about the way in which the war will close, that letter must have removed it. I wish I had been at Washington to pay my respects to Mrs. Ward, the new bride. To all the baron's family [Gerolt's], and above all to himself, I owe homage. He is the friend of my country, and a wise counsell
Jula Ward Howe, Reminiscences: 1819-1899, Chapter 9: second visit to Europe (search)
the spring of this terrible and splendid year of 1848. When his father wrote Dieudonne under the boy's name in the family Bible, he added to the welcome record the new device, Liberte, Egalite, Fraternite. The first Napoleon had overthrown rulers and dynasties. A greater power than his now came upon the stage,—the power of individual conviction backed by popular enthusiasm. My husband, who had fought for Greek freedom in his youth, who had risked and suffered imprisonment in behalf of Poland in his early manhood, and who had devoted his mature life to the service of humanity, welcomed the new state of things with all the enthusiasm of his generous nature. To him, as to many, the final emancipation and unification of the human race, the millennium of universal peace and good-will, seemed near at hand. Alas! the great promise brought only a greater failure. The time for its fulfillment had not yet arrived. Freedom could not be attained by striking an attitude, nor secured by t
The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 3. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier), Anti-Slavery Poems (search)
f holy Liberty and Light; Say, shall these writhing slaves of Wrong Plead vainly for their plundered Right? What! shall we send, with lavish breath, Our sympathies across the wave, Where Manhood, on the field of death, Strikes for his freedom or a grave? Shall prayers go up, and hymns be sung For Greece, the Moslem fetter spurning, And millions hail with pen and tongue Our light on all her altars burning? Shall Belgium feel, and gallant France, By Vendome's pile and Schoenbrun's wall, And Poland, gasping on her lance, The impulse of our cheering call? And shall the slave, beneath our eye, Clank o'er our fields his hateful chain? And toss his fettered arms on high, And groan for Freedom's gift, in vain? Oh, say, shall Prussia's banner be A refuge for the stricken slave? And shall the Russian serf go free By Baikal's lake and Neva's wave? And shall the wintry-bosomed Dane Relax the iron hand of pride, And bid his bondmen cast the chain From fettered soul and limb aside? Shall every
al code with the barbarisms of arrogant cruelty; to reserve for exceptional courts every accusation against even the humblest of its agents; to judge by special tribunals questions involving life and fortune; to issue arbitrary warrants of imprisonment; to punish without information or sentence; making itself the more hateful the less it was restrained. The duty and honor of the kingdom were sacrificed in its foreign policy. Louis the Fifteenth was a tranquil spectator of the division of Poland, and courted the friendship of George the Third of England, not to efface the false notion of international enmity which was a brand on the civilization of that age, but to gain a new support for monarchical power. For this end the humiliations of the last war would have been forgiven by the monarch, had not the heart of the nation still palpitated with resentment. Under the supremacy of the king's mistress sensual pleasure ruled the court; dictated the appointment of ministers; confused
hough victorious, when it comes out of a long war in a murderous climate. There is an impropriety in employing so considerable a body in another hemisphere, under a power almost unknown to it, and almost deprived of all correspondence with its sovereign. My own confidence in my peace, which has cost me so great efforts to acquire, demands absolutely that I do not deprive myself so soon of so considerable a part of my forces. Affairs on the side of Sweden are but put to sleep, and those of Poland are not yet definitively terminated. Moreover, I should not be able to prevent myself from reflecting on the consequences which would result for our own dignity, for that of the two monarchies and the two nations, from this junction of our forces, simply to calm a rebellion which is not supported by any foreign power. Every word of the letter of the king of England Chap. L.} 1775. Oct. to the empress of Russia was in his own hand; she purposely employed her private secretary to write he
tween the two nations and the two sovereigns, but to bring them to a cordiality which will constitute their reciprocal happiness. Not only are they not natural enemies, as men have thought till now; but they have interests which ought to bring them nearer together. We have each lost consideration in our furious desire to do each other harm. Let us change principles that are so erroneous. Let us reunite, and we shall stop all revolutions in Europe. By revolutions he meant the division of Poland, the encroachments on Turkey, and the attempt of the court of Vienna to bring Italy under its control by seizing the fine harbors of Dalmatia. There is another object, continued Shelburne, Chap. XXIX.} 1782. Sept. 17. which makes a part of my political views; and that is the destruction of monopoly in commerce. I regard that monopoly as odious, though the English nation, more than any other, is tainted with it. I flatter myself I shall be able to come to an understanding with your court
least doubt that Alexander looks up-on Galicia with a wistful eye, and longs for the day when the pear shall be ripe. There is, however, a lion in his path. Nothing can be done in Europe without the consent of the Emperor Napoleon, and it is not to be presumed that he will look unmoved upon such an advance to the gates of his capital, by such a power as Russia. The general impression is that Maria Theresa, or her minister Kaunitz, first conceived the iniquitous design of blotting out Poland from the Nations. It has been attributed, also, to Frederick The Great; but it has been strenuously denied of late by the admirers of that great Prince. It is said, on the contrary, that he clearly foresaw the danger to which such a step would expose Europe, by bringing Russia into its very heart. Previously to his time, she had been more of an Asiatic than a European power. He had experienced in the seven years war the formidable means which she possessed, of making herself felt wherev
has ever agitated the public life of the Union, presents itself essentially as a question of dollars and cents; and it is characteristic that since the breaking out of the crisis the discussion turns mostly on such points as these: How about the Custom-Houses? how about the post-offices? the national debt? the property in the navy and armories? We observe very little of the convulsions of a wounded nationality — such, for instance, as vibrate to this day in the heart of Poland; although Poland perished before the American Union was born. To be sure there is no lack of animosity and passion, but it is an animosity more like that existing between quarrelling partners in business, than that between divided brethren. "This sober, business-like character of the contest, we think, favors a final settlement of the question. To the Polish we may prove ever so clearly that they fare better under the Prussian Government than they ever did before, that their property is more valuable,
30th of January, 1831, he was placed at the head of the National Government, and offered half his property for the service of his country. After the terrible days of August 15th and 16th, he resigned his post, but served as a common soldier in the corps of General Romarino during the last fruitless struggles. When all was lost he made his escape, and reached Paris, where he has since resided, and busted himself for the benefit of his homeless countrymen. He was expressly excluded from the amnesty of 1831, and his estates in Poland were confiscated. "During the Polish insurrection of 1846 his Galician estates were put under sequestration by the Austrian Government, but this was removed in the spring of 1848. In March of that year he issued a proclamation urging the German representatives to unite with those of France to demand the restoration of Poland. In April, 1848, he enfranchised the peasants upon his estate of Slendaiwa, in Gallicia, and gave their possessions in fee.
tory of privateering. This was followed by a similar decree from the King of Portugal. "Thus." complains the Herald, "all of the principal European Power have deemed the efforts that are being made by this country to suppress rebellion, a fitting occasion to make an exception to the usual rules observed by diplomatists in relation to rebellion and civil war, and to present their opinions to the world. Insurrections have taken place in Ireland, Italy, France, Germany, Hungary, Bosnia, and Poland without a sign of approbation or disapprobation on the part of the statement of the various foreign material Observing events closely, they have nevertheless abstained from official comment, this events here have startled them from our reserve and caused them to break forth into manifestation which, in other cases, would have been considered indecorous." It is absurd to comment upon the wilful business which will not acknowledge the difference between the withdrawal of sovereign States
1 2 3 4 5 6