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Baron de Jomini, Summary of the Art of War, or a New Analytical Compend of the Principle Combinations of Strategy, of Grand Tactics and of Military Policy. (ed. Major O. F. Winship , Assistant Adjutant General , U. S. A., Lieut. E. E. McLean , 1st Infantry, U. S. A.), Chapter 1: the policy of war. (search)
s assailed by all Europe, both by land and by sea. In view of such examples, of what interest could dry maxims be? It is from the history of those great events that it is necessary to draw rules of conduct. The invasions of the Russians in Turkey, presented, in some respects, the same symptoms of national resistance; meanwhile it must be owned that the conditions were different; the religious hatred of the Ottomans might make them fly to arms; but settled in the midst of a Greek populatioigns who has voluntarily undertaken two, and even three frightful wars at once, those with Spain, with England and with Russia; but yet did he support himself in the latter, with the concurrence of Austria and of Prussia, without speaking even of Turkey and of Sweden, upon which he counted with too much confidence, so that this enterprise was not so adventurous on his part as has generally been believed, judged according to the turn of affairs. It is seen from what precedes, that there is a g
Baron de Jomini, Summary of the Art of War, or a New Analytical Compend of the Principle Combinations of Strategy, of Grand Tactics and of Military Policy. (ed. Major O. F. Winship , Assistant Adjutant General , U. S. A., Lieut. E. E. McLean , 1st Infantry, U. S. A.), Chapter 3: strategy. (search)
se three conditions united, it was, nevertheless, what happened in the war with Turkey, in 1828 and 1829. All attention was fixed upon Warna and Bourgas, merely obse requires to be well secured on its flanks. In the first case, the frontier of Turkey and that of Spain might be cited as an example. Armies which should wish to crRhine is a barrier for France as for Germany; the lower Danube is a barrier for Turkey and Russia; the Ebro is a barrier for Spain, the Rhone is a barrier against an difficult in other countries, and impossible in Russia, Sweden, Poland, and in Turkey. It is conceived with how much more velocity and impetuosity an army acts, whe flies and destroys every thing, as has happened in Spain, Portugal, Russia and Turkey, it is impossible to move without being followed by regular magazines, and with this denomination Carinthia, Styria, Carniola and Illyria,) a few provinces of Turkey and Hungary, Catalonia and Portugal, all the other countries of Europe seldom p
Baron de Jomini, Summary of the Art of War, or a New Analytical Compend of the Principle Combinations of Strategy, of Grand Tactics and of Military Policy. (ed. Major O. F. Winship , Assistant Adjutant General , U. S. A., Lieut. E. E. McLean , 1st Infantry, U. S. A.), chapter 7 (search)
is expected to come, (see fig. 8 and 9.) A regiment of three battalions would easily form a long square by breaking the middle battalion and causing each half battalion to move, the one to the right, and the other to the left. In the wars with Turkey, squares were almost exclusively employed, because hostilities took place in the vast plains of Bassarabia, of Moldavia and of Wallachia, and the Turks had an immense cavalry. But, if operations have place in the Balkan or beyond, and if their f1812 he invaded Russia with twelve hundred pieces, and did not succeed. This sufficiently proves that no absolute rule could fix those proportions. It is generally admitted that three pieces to a thousand combattants are sufficient, and even in Turkey, as well as in the mountains, this is a great deal too much. The proportions of heavy artillery, the reserve, so called, with those of lighter artillery, equally vary. It is a great fault to have too much heavy artillery, for in battles six o
John Bell Hood., Advance and Retreat: Personal Experiences in the United States and Confederate Armies, Chapter 8: (search)
joyed a fair opportunity to note the effect of long continued use of entrenchments upon an army. He served with distinction until the close of the war, and displayed superior ability as a corps commander whilst in the Army of Tennessee. A forcible example of the difference in the mode of handling troops — as illustrated by General Lee, and those generals who constantly resort to the use of fortifications — is afforded in the recent war between France and Prussia, and also in that between Turkey and Russia. One hundred and fifty thousand of Louis Napoleon's Army, under Bazaine, shut themselves up in the stronghold of Metz; allowed a much larger number of Germans to surround them; to construct works almost as formidable as their own, and quietly await their surrender for want of provisions. The Turks committed a similar blunder at Plevna, in allowing a fine army to be entrapped and the remainder of their forces to become demoralized by the natural effect of this gross error, in li
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 11 (search)
master and slave. The second resolution, strictly speaking, neither affirms nor denies anything in reference to the matter in hand. No man has a moral right to do anything improper. Whether, therefore, he has the moral right to discuss the question of Slavery, is a point with which human legislation or resolutions have nothing to do. The true issue to be decided is, whether he has the civil, the political right, to discuss it, or not. And this is a mere question of fact. In Russia, in Turkey, in Austria, nay, even in France, this right most certainly does not exist. But does it exist in Missouri? We decide this question by turning to the Constitution of the State. The sixteenth section, article thirteenth, of the Constitution of Missouri, reads as follows: That the free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the invaluable rights of man, and that every person may freely speak, write, and print on any subject, being responsible for the abuse of that liberty. H
Colonel Theodore Lyman, With Grant and Meade from the Wilderness to Appomattox (ed. George R. Agassiz), chapter 8 (search)
id not fire upon us, as there was a great crowd and evidently several generals among us. But I believe they never shoot. The pickets, on either side, are within close musket-range but have no appearance of hostility. There was one very innocent Turkey, who said to me: Who are those men just over there? When I told him they were Rebs, he exclaimed: God bless me! and popped down behind the parapet. . . . Thence we all went to view the great canal. You will notice on the map, that the river would hardly have left us so quiet. . . . Though we got off very nicely (I thought as I stood there: Now that line is the shortest one to our horses, and you must walk it with dignity — not too fast when they begin to shell ), there was a fat Turkey who came after us and was treated to a huge projectile, which burst over his head; he ran and picked up a piece and cried out: Oh! it's warm. Oh!! it smells of sulphur. Oh!!! let us go now. He was delighted with this and all other adventures,
Colonel Theodore Lyman, With Grant and Meade from the Wilderness to Appomattox (ed. George R. Agassiz), chapter 9 (search)
an mountains. As to the Roumanians themselves, they have the misfortune to be tremendously protected by everybody. Imprimis, they pay to the Porte an honorary tribute of 600,000 crowns, in return for which his word is pledged to protect them against all comers, which is a good joke, seeing he can't protect himself against any comer at all! Then the Emperor Nap considers them une nation Latine, and so he is to protect them. Then the British protect them for fear the Russians should invade Turkey on that side. Then the Russians protect them because they want their land as a high road to Constantinople; and finally, the Austrians and Italians protect them, just to keep in the mode. Meanwhile the Roumanians seem to dislike all their kind friends, but still keep smiling and bowing round at them, hoping these protectors will one day get into a shindy, when they, the protected, propose to discontinue the honorary tribute, grab Bulgaria from the Turks, Bessarabia from the Russians, the B
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 121 (search)
es a pitiable want of intelligence and independence, an abject want of political spirit, to suppose it. France and England trade in coolies, and neither will have the hardihood to affirm that between that and the slave trade there is an essential difference, and practising the one they cannot war with us for practising the other. Nor, in fact, do they wage war upon the slave trade. Spain prevents the trade in Cuba, though she acknowledges the mode by professing to prohibit it. Portugal and Turkey do not even so much. Even England lends her ships to keep the slave trade open in the Black Sea; and almost every slave bought in Africa is paid for in English fabrics, to the profit of the English merchant, and with the knowledge of the British Government. In view of these facts, it were simple to suppose that European States will practise sentiment at the expense of interest. And have they interest in the suppression of the slave trade? Three years ago, in my report to the Commercial C
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 3. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 18 (search)
o thus would reduce to a slavery worse and more abject than that which prevails on Southern plantations the white free men of a sovereign State; a usurpation which, authorized, sanctioned, and approved as it is by the President, must open the eyes of the people of the entire country and the whole world to the designs of the Administration at Washington to crush out the last vestige of free government here, and establish in its stead an absolutism more despotic and as irresponsible as that of Turkey. We have said that there is no difficulty in the discussion raised by the question of martial law, considered as an abstract proposition. It is only the practical relations of the subject which present legitimate points of dispute, and this arises from the very nature of the circumstances which give to martial law at once its origin and sole justification. On this head the language of jurists is explicit. They all teach that the military power may be rightfully used, according to the u
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 3. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 189 (search)
ian, one Catholic, two Baptist, and five Methodist. The county seat is Eastville, and the other villages are Hadlock and Franktown in the north, Bridgetown at the head of navigation at H/un>unger Creek on the west, and Capeville, near Cape Charles, on the south. The county seat of Accomac is Drummondtown, and the other villages are Horntown, near the mouth of Pocomoke River, on the north; Assawoman and Modesttown, near Assawoman Inlet, on the east; Onancock and Pungoteague on the west, and Turkey's Pen at the south. Before the war broke out the following lighthouses existed on the coast of these two counties, all of which have been dismantled by the rebels:--One at Watts' Island, Chesapeake Bay, at the entrance of Pocomoke Sound; one at the entrance of Pungoteague Creek; one at the entrance of Occohannack Creek; one at Cape Charles; one on Smith's Island, east of Cape Charles; one on Hog Island, east of Eastville, and one on Piney Island, southeast of Horntown. The objects of the
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