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Giddings Chase (search for this): chapter 15
Speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, at Columbus Ohio, September, 1859. Fellow-Citizens of the State of Ohio: I cannot fail to remember that I appear for the first time before an audience in this now great State--an audience that is accustomed to hear such speakers as Corwin, and Chase, and Wade, and many other renowned men ; and, remembering this, I feel that it will be well for you, as for me, that you should not raise your expectations to that standard to which you would have been justified in raising them had one of these distinguished men appeared before you. You would perhaps be only preparing a disappointment for yourselves, and, as a consequence of your disappointment, mortification to me. I hope, therefore, that you will commence with very moderate expectations ; and perhaps, if you will give me your attention, I shall be able to interest you to a moderate degree. Appearing here for the first time in my life, I have been somewhat embarrassed for a topic by way of introdu
Henry Clay (search for this): chapter 15
eing done by the teachers of this insidious popular sovereignty. You need but one or two turns further until your minds, now ripening under these teachings, will be ready for all these things, and you will receive and support, or submit to, the slave-trade, revived with all its horrors, a slave code enforced in our Territories, and a new Dred Scott decision to bring slavery up into the very heart of the free North. This, I must, say, is but carrying out those words prophetically spoken by Mr. Clay, many, many years ago — I believe more than thirty years, when he told an audience that if they would repress all tendencies to liberty and ultimate emancipation, they must go back to the era of our independence and muzzle the cannon which thundered its annual joyous return on the Fourth of July ; they must blow out the moral lights around us ; they must penetrate the human soul and eradicate the love of liberty; but until they did these things, and others eloquently enumerated by him, they
Corwin (search for this): chapter 15
Speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, at Columbus Ohio, September, 1859. Fellow-Citizens of the State of Ohio: I cannot fail to remember that I appear for the first time before an audience in this now great State--an audience that is accustomed to hear such speakers as Corwin, and Chase, and Wade, and many other renowned men ; and, remembering this, I feel that it will be well for you, as for me, that you should not raise your expectations to that standard to which you would have been justified in raising them had one of these distinguished men appeared before you. You would perhaps be only preparing a disappointment for yourselves, and, as a consequence of your disappointment, mortification to me. I hope, therefore, that you will commence with very moderate expectations ; and perhaps, if you will give me your attention, I shall be able to interest you to a moderate degree. Appearing here for the first time in my life, I have been somewhat embarrassed for a topic by way of introduc
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 15
matter of dollars and cents, a sort of question as to how they shall deal with brutes, that between us and the negro here there is no sort of question, but that at the South the question is between the negro and the crocodile. That is all. It is a mere matter of policy; there is a perfect right according to interest to do just as you please-when this is done, where this doctrine prevails, the miners and sappers will have formed public opinion for the slave-trade. They will be ready for Jeff. Davis and Stephens and other leaders of that company, to sound the bugle for the revival of the slave-trade, for the second Dred Scott decision, for the flood of slavery to be poured over the free States, while we shall be here tied down and helpless and run over like sheep. It is to be a part and parcel of this same idea, to say to men who want to adhere to the Democratic party, who have always belonged to that party, and are only looking about for some excuse to stick to it, but neverthel
Stephen A. Douglas (search for this): chapter 15
there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong its correctness --and that is the case of Judge Douglas's old friend, Col. Richard M. Johnson. I e is no power or right to interfere. That is Douglas's popular sovereignty applied. He has a gis an idea, I suppose, which has arisen in Judge Douglas's mind from his peculiar structure. I supned and determined by --who do you think? Judge Douglas says By Congress! Whether the number s provided for the prohibition of slavery. Judge Douglas says, and perhaps is right, that that provs true; I stick to that. I will stand by Judge Douglas in that to the bitter end. And now, Judge Judge Douglas, come and stand by me, and truthfully show how they acted, understanding it better than me do. All I ask of you, Judge Douglas, is to stick to the proposition that the men of the Revolution I would say that I told that very thing to Judge Douglas quite a year ago. This argument is here in[38 more...]
Harper (search for this): chapter 15
good deal of trouble with popular sovereignty. His explanations explanatory of explanations explained are interminable. The most lengthy, and, as I suppose: the most maturely considered of his long series of explanations, is his great essay in Harper's Magazine. I will not attempt to enter on any very thorough investigation of his argument, as there made and presented. I will nevertheless occupy a good portion of your time here in drawing your attention to certain points in it. Such of you t power which he had been contending against, and arrives at a result directly contrary to what he had been laboring to do. He at last leaves the whole matter to the control of Congress. There are two main objects, as I understand it, of this Harper's Magazine essay. One was to show, if possible, that the men of our revolutionary times were in favor of his Popular Sovereignty ; and the other was to show that the Dred Scott decision had not entirely squelched out this Popular Sovereignty. I
Hickman (search for this): chapter 15
e he reflected upon this subject and saw the truth of it. Nor do I believe, because Gov. Seward or I uttered it, that, Mr. Hickman of Pennsylvania, in different language since that time, has declared his belief in the utter antagonism which exists between. the principles of liberty and slavery. You see we are multiplying. Now, while I am speaking of Hickman, let me say, I know but little about him. I have never seen him, and know scarcely any thing about the man ; but I will say this much o of the metal. And now, without indorsing any thing else he has said, I will ask this audience to give three cheers for Hickman. [The audience responded with three rousing cheers for Hickman.] Another point in the copy-right essay to which I wouldHickman.] Another point in the copy-right essay to which I would ask your attention, is rather a feature to be extracted from the whole thing, than from any express declaration of it at any point. It is a general feature of that document, and indeed, of all of Judge Douglas's discussions of this question, that
Thomas Jefferson (search for this): chapter 15
ut up in that way a good many are not. He ought to remember that there was once in this country a man by the name of Thomas Jefferson, supposed to be a Democrat--a man whose principles and policy are not very prevalent amongst Democrats to-day, it ishat when a nation thus dared the Almighty, every friend of that nation had cause to dread his wrath. Choose ye between Jefferson and Douglas as to what is the true view of this element among us. There is another little difficulty about this mat taken the name of the Ordinance of ‘87. Let me bring that history to your attention. In 1784, I believe, this same Mr. Jefferson drew up an ordinance for the government of the country upon which we now stand ; or rather a frame or draft of an ordt ordinance, drawn up not only for the government of that Territory, but for the Territories south of the Ohio River, Mr. Jefferson expressly provided for the prohibition of slavery. Judge Douglas says, and perhaps is right, that that provision was
Richard M. Johnson (search for this): chapter 15
r either a slave or a wife. So it seems to me quite possible for us to get along without making either slaves or wives of negroes. I will add to this that I have never seen to my knowledge a man, woman or child, who was in favor of producing perfect equality, social and political, between negroes and white men. I recollect of but one distinguished instance that I ever heard of so frequently as to be satisfied of its correctness --and that is the case of Judge Douglas's old friend, Col. Richard M. Johnson. I will also add to the remarks I have made (for I am not going to enter at large upon this subject), that I have never had the least apprehension that I or my friends would marry negroes, if there was no law to keep them from it ; but as Judge Douglas and his friends seem to be in great apprehension that they might, if there were no law to keep them from it, I give him the most solemn pledge that I will to the very last stand by the law of the State, which forbids the marrying of
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 15
Speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, at Columbus Ohio, September, 1859. Fellow-Citizens of the State of Ohio: I cannot fail to remember that I appear for the first time before an audience in this now great State--an audience that is accustomed to hear such speakers as Corwin, and Chase, and Wade, and many other renowned men ; and, remembering this, I feel that it will be well for you, as for me, that you should not raise your expectations to that standard to which you would have been justified duction which the Ohio Statesman newspaper gave me this morning. In this paper I have read an article, in which, among other statements, I find the following: In debating with Senator Douglas during the memorable contest of last fall, Mr. Lincoln declared in favor of negro suffrage, and attempted to defend that vile conception against the Little Giant. I mention this now, at the opening of my remarks, for the purpose of making three comments upon it. The first I have already announ
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