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Nebraska (Nebraska, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
ver the South did, returned to plague the inventor. The Missouri Compromise of 1820 was a Southern victory and jarred upon the Northern conscience a little. Nine years thereafter arises Abolition. The offer of a reward for Garrison by the State of Georgia in 1831 weakened the South; the elaborate attempts to suppress the Abolitionists in 1835 weakened the South; the Annexation of Texas weakened her. The Fugitive Slave Law in 1850, the Repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 1854, the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, the invasion of Kansas by the Border Ruffians, the Dred Scott Decision — each one of these things, though apparently a victory, proved in the end to be a boomerang, which operated to weaken the South and to awaken the North. On the other hand the North seemed to be protected from the consequences of moral error. The greatest illustration of this is the case of John Brown, whose crimes were at first not credited, and later were sanctified by contemporary Northern opinion. Curious
America (Netherlands) (search for this): chapter 11
n them. As we have seen, George Thompson came to America in 1835, as an apostle to the Abolition Cause. Hary her writings, and especially by her Martyr age in America, she explained to the English mind the Anti-slavery bond between the philanthropists of England and of America. Constant intercourse, the sending of money and articles from England to the Cause in America, and an affectionate personal correspondence between the most unselt encouragement of the whole Abolition movement in America and elsewhere. This procedure occupied but a few dderstood by reflecting upon his social isolation in America and upon the natural warmth of temperament in himseer classes in England saw that the battle raging in America was their own battle, and that upon the maintenanceis plain that some terrible drug is in operation in America. Whether this hot liquid was first born in the vitcompletely break down in the whole legal history of America. Never did so much ability prove so impotent to un
Yorkshire (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 11
en when I was too young to take much part in public affairs; and I have kept within my heart his name and the names of those who have been associated with him in every step he has taken. It is John Bright who spoke thus, at the great Garrison banquet given in London in 1867. The voice of Bright here spoke for that whole world of liberal sentiment in England which first rose to power through the passage of the Reform Bill of 1832. It spoke for Glasgow and Edinborough, for Lancashire and Yorkshire — for the new Burgherdom which came into the world heralding religious freedom, popular education, and the protection of the humbler classes. Garrison was better known to the working classes in Great Britain than in his own country. During my visit to England, said Henry Ward Beecher, speaking in 1863, it was my privilege to address, in various places, very large audiences, and I never made mention of the names of any of those men whom you most revere and love, without calling down the
New Castle, Ky. (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
by which the whole Anti-slavery movement had been comprehendingly followed during thirty years. The lower classes in England saw that the battle raging in America was their own battle, and that upon the maintenance of the cause of free labor the progress of popular institutions all over the world largely depended. When Garrison visited England in 1867 he was greeted as the Giant of an Idea ought to be greeted. Public receptions and lunches were given in his honor in London, Manchester, Newcastle, Edinburgh, and Glasgow; and many names of note were to be found subscribed under words of welcome. Charles Darwin wrote, twelve years later, to young Garrison: Thank you for the memorials of Garrison, a name to be forever revered. I would not cite the fetes and ovations given to Garrison in London in 1867 as proving more than they do prove. We ought to examine the list of guests at the banquets and read the current newspaper editorials by the light of the events of that day, before de
Lancaster (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 11
Garrison banquet given in London in 1867. The voice of Bright here spoke for that whole world of liberal sentiment in England which first rose to power through the passage of the Reform Bill of 1832. It spoke for Glasgow and Edinborough, for Lancashire and Yorkshire — for the new Burgherdom which came into the world heralding religious freedom, popular education, and the protection of the humbler classes. Garrison was better known to the working classes in Great Britain than in his own cou well informed the cotton spinners, operatives, and small tradesmen of England were upon the very point which the governing classes were so unwilling to understand. The story of the support given to the Northern cause by the cotton spinners of Lancashire, who were being starved to death by the blockade of our Southern ports, is among the most moving stories in history. They could not be induced to protest or to ask their own Government for relief against that blockade. They would not take sid
William H. Herndon (search for this): chapter 11
f Baal: he knows nothing. Earth's remedies have failed. No one is abreast of the situation. Lincoln only waits. At this moment, when the catastrophe is in the sky and the thud of Fate's footsteps can be heard, there occurred that thing which Herndon had spoken of in a prophetic letter one year earlier. Herndon wrote his last letter to Theodore Parker on December 15, 1859. The Republicans in Congress, he says, are grinding off the flesh from their kneecaps, attempting to convince the South Herndon wrote his last letter to Theodore Parker on December 15, 1859. The Republicans in Congress, he says, are grinding off the flesh from their kneecaps, attempting to convince the South that we are cowards. We are cowards, that is, our representatives are. . . . The South is now catechising the North. To this question, What is the true end of man? it stands and shiveringly answers, The chief end of man is to support the nigger institutions, and to apologize to despots. The Senators are all on their knees. So are the Representatives. Let them shrive themselves there, and mankind will avenge the humiliation in the future. This is God's constant mode of operation. The r
Daniel H. Chamberlain (search for this): chapter 11
nce which he generated fed him. At the close of the war Garrison occupied a position of great eminence; and he could have cut a figure in public had he wished it. For, although the Abolitionists and Lincoln's Administration found some difficulty in coming to understand each other at the outset, they were in moral union before long; and they fought the war through together. It was my privilege once, and once only, to talk with Abraham Lincoln, at Petersburg, Va., April 6, 1865, says Daniel H. Chamberlain. His face, his figure, his attitudes, his words, form the most remarkable picture in my memory, and will, while memory lasts. I spoke to him of the country's gratitude for his great deliverance of the slaves. His sad face beamed for a moment with happiness as he answered in exact substance, and very nearly in words: I have been only an instrument. The logic and moral power of Garrison, and the Anti-slavery people of the country, and the army have done all. Garrison had no world
John Brown (search for this): chapter 11
of Texas weakened her. The Fugitive Slave Law in 1850, the Repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 1854, the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, the invasion of Kansas by the Border Ruffians, the Dred Scott Decision — each one of these things, though apparently a victory, proved in the end to be a boomerang, which operated to weaken the South and to awaken the North. On the other hand the North seemed to be protected from the consequences of moral error. The greatest illustration of this is the case of John Brown, whose crimes were at first not credited, and later were sanctified by contemporary Northern opinion. Curiously enough, the political control of the South went on growing stronger and stronger while the basis for this controlits hold on the Northern imaginationwas growing weaker and weaker. In other words, the Southern leaders always won: their cause always lost. Some Nemesis was working out. The mecanique of each successive step in the process was always the same. The weapon of the
John A. Andrew (search for this): chapter 11
s, his words, form the most remarkable picture in my memory, and will, while memory lasts. I spoke to him of the country's gratitude for his great deliverance of the slaves. His sad face beamed for a moment with happiness as he answered in exact substance, and very nearly in words: I have been only an instrument. The logic and moral power of Garrison, and the Anti-slavery people of the country, and the army have done all. Garrison had no worldly ambition; he even declined to favor Governor Andrew for a cabinet office in the days of the triumph of Abolition at the close of the war. He neglected and refused to write his own memoirs though offered large sums of money to do so. He sank into private life as easily as if he had truly been the benevolent, self-educated clockmaker of a Pickwickian kind, whose type he physically resembled. The storm which had engendered this dragon passed over, and left behind it a placid old man. We must now revert to certain antebellum doings of t
J. E. Cairnes (search for this): chapter 11
recognize the Confederacy. Had the masses of England sustained the official classes in regard to the American question, some sort of intervention by England in American affairs would in all probability have followed. The Englishmen whose influence educated and sustained the working classes upon this whole matter were John Stuart Mill, John Bright, Richard Cobden, Lord Houghton, William E. Forster, George Thompson, Goldwin Smith, Justin Mc-Carthy, Thomas Hughes, Herbert Spencer, Professor J. E. Cairnes--as well as the Gurneys, Buxtons, Webbs, and Clarksons of the previous generation: that is to say they were the heart and conscience of England of which Garrison had found himself to be a part in the early days, and by which the whole Anti-slavery movement had been comprehendingly followed during thirty years. The lower classes in England saw that the battle raging in America was their own battle, and that upon the maintenance of the cause of free labor the progress of popular insti
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