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William P. Kellogg (search for this): chapter 3
ans recovers, Louisiana recovers. Now, under Kellogg and his reign of anarchy, New Orleans was banith Conservative Senators in New Orleans that Kellogg was not the lawful Governor of Louisiana. Bud Penn settled with the voters who had chosen Kellogg and Antoine. Might . . . but who could tell?ncock was a blessing compared to a ruler like Kellogg. Under a Federal soldier there would be no pg, as a stranger in their city, to retire. Kellogg shut himself in his apartments, with his Negr The crowd in Canal Street were not armed, as Kellogg and Billings knew. An hour later, Packard te with the purely local question as to whether Kellogg or McEnery had a true majority of votes. Lon in possession of the citizens. At midnight, Kellogg stole away from his apartments in the State He victory. The one thing certain. was, that Kellogg had not carried the State for Grant. Kelloggre. One chance, and only one, remained for Kellogg and his patrons: such an intervention of the [10 more...]
Stephen B. Packard (search for this): chapter 3
in favour of his enemies, and would weaken his hold on the Federal power. In spite, therefore, of having the support of Packard, the countenance of Pinch, the salary of a Governor, and an official residence in the State House, William P. Kellogg fomen, accompanied by a menace. The crowd in Canal Street were not armed, as Kellogg and Billings knew. An hour later, Packard telegraphed to Attorney-general Williams: The people assembled at the meeting were generally unarmed. This talk arr. Provide yourselves with rations and blankets, and assemble at two o'clock, when arms and leaders will be ready. Packard, feeling uneasy about the mass meeting, had telegraphed to Jackson, in Mississippi, for troops, and early in the day a ceneral Emory interfered. At five o'clock the four companies arrived from Holly Springs, but were not placed by Emory at Packard's disposal. Longstreet held the State House, which was not attacked. By six o'clock the firing was over, and the victo
tle the affair. At half-past 2 Badger began to move his forces towards St. Louis Street. Trailing the three big guns, his heads of column hove in sight, with Badger riding gallantly in front, and some of his leading company yelling and discharging their pieces as they came along. Fire! cried Ogden. The citizens fired, and Badger dropt from his horse-supposed to be killed. Charge! cried Ogden. The citizens charged, and the Negroes, surprised by bayonets, broke and fled. Captain Angel led his company against the Gatling gun. Dropping their arms in scorn, the citizens ran at the gun, cuffed and kicked the Negro gunners, chasing them in and out of yards and stores, until the tag-rag reached the Custom House, and found a refuge under the Federal flag. Hardly one of the Negroes stood to fight. One Negro general crept into an undertaker's shed. Get out, shouted the little French coffin-maker, zey will follow you and murder me! The Negro stripped himself of lace and fe
Chapter 3: White reaction. For seventeen months New Orleans groaned under the yoke of Governors who could not rule, of Assemblies which were unable to pass bills, and of Tribunals which reversed each other's decrees. Kellogg, though backed by Grant, was repudiated by Congress. McEnery though supported by the main body of White citizens in New Orleans, was not recognised by the authorities at Washington. The courts were open to Kellogg, if he cared to try his right. Though taunted bready, on two hours notice, to fall in on twelve hours notice, to take the field. This league gave confidence to those White citizens who wished to end the reign of anarchy, by driving Kellogg as a stranger from New Orleans, by sending Antoine, the city, and in a reign of order is commanded by the mayor; but the intruders have usurped the mayor's authority, driven White men out of the service, and filled up the ranks with tall and burly Negroes. In the hands of Badger this police is nothi
Caesar C. Antoine (search for this): chapter 3
army, ready, on two hours notice, to fall in on twelve hours notice, to take the field. This league gave confidence to those White citizens who wished to end the reign of anarchy, by driving Kellogg as a stranger from New Orleans, by sending Antoine, the Negro porter, back to his stand in the Custom House, and by installing General McEnery and General Penn in office, as the Governor and Lieutenant-governor of their choice. Election-day was coming on, when a new set of local legislators m uncertain. In a question of disputed powers, where neither party had the sanction of Congress, Longstreet might see his duty in standing aside, while the voters who had chosen McEnery and Penn settled with the voters who had chosen Kellogg and Antoine. Might . . . but who could tell? At eleven o'clock on Monday morning. September 14, 1874, a mass meeting of citizens was held in Canal Street. Standing by the great statue of Henry Clay, Marr, as chairman of the meeting, put this question to
Philip Sheridan (search for this): chapter 3
power. The vote took place under a state of feeling bordering on the phrenzy of civil war. Again each party claimed the victory. The one thing certain. was, that Kellogg had not carried the State for Grant. Kellogg had promised his patron five votes out of the six possessed by Louisiana. Of the six votes only two were won for Grant. In the State Legislature, the elections for which were held at the same time as the elections for Congress, the Conservatives claim to have gained a small but sure majority of votes. So far as the White reaction turned on votes, this White reaction was secure. One chance, and only one, remained for Kellogg and his patrons: such an intervention of the Federal troops as might prevent the Conservative members from taking their seats. It was a daring, nay, a desperate policy; but the beaten scalawags are desperate men. To carry out such a project required a sterner officer than General Emory, and General Sheridan has been sent to New Orleans.
reversed each other's decrees. Kellogg, though backed by Grant, was repudiated by Congress. McEnery though supported by the main body of White citizens in New Orleans, was not recognised by the asending Antoine, the Negro porter, back to his stand in the Custom House, and by installing General McEnery and General Penn in office, as the Governor and Lieutenant-governor of their choice. Elen of Congress, Longstreet might see his duty in standing aside, while the voters who had chosen McEnery and Penn settled with the voters who had chosen Kellogg and Antoine. Might . . . but who couldould feel himself justified in meddling with the purely local question as to whether Kellogg or McEnery had a true majority of votes. Longstreet was a Southern man, and Emory would hardly go againste in New Orleans was fatal to the policy of President Grant. Election-day was nigh; and if Governor McEnery sat in the State House of New Orleans, the Republican ticket would be lost in Louisiana. K
Longstreet (search for this): chapter 3
tate militia, mainly a Negro army, under General Longstreet. Badger was a carpet-bagger, sure to stis fortunes were upheld by President Grant. Longstreet, the famous soldier, was uncertain. In a qu neither party had the sanction of Congress, Longstreet might see his duty in standing aside, while nothing but a black praetorian guard. As Longstreet's presence at the State House covered Kellogger and the metropolitan police; second, General Longstreet and the State militia; third, General EmFederal troops. His theory was that neither Longstreet nor Emory would feel himself justified in megg or McEnery had a true majority of votes. Longstreet was a Southern man, and Emory would hardly g kick, and went out laughing. Neither General Longstreet nor General Emory interfered. At five o not placed by Emory at Packard's disposal. Longstreet held the State House, which was not attacked under the United States flag. Next morning Longstreet surrendered the State House, which was at on
tember 14, 1874, a mass meeting of citizens was held in Canal Street. Standing by the great statue of Henry Clay, Marr, as chairman of the meeting, put this question to the citizens-Whether they would endure the reign of anarchy any longer? They replied by shouts that they preferred the tyranny under which they had groaned before the Reconstruction Act. A soldier, though a despot, was a man of discipline. He kept the streets in order, and the lobbies of the State House pure. A ruler like Hancock was a blessing compared to a ruler like Kellogg. Under a Federal soldier there would be no pretence of freedom, civil order, and republican institutions. The tyranny would be undisguised, and Louisiana governed like the Duchy of Warsaw. Yet the citizens preferred a man of iron to a carpet-bagger; anything being better than adventurers having no other hold on the country than the support of an alien soldiery and a Negro mob. A resolution was carried that five citizens should proceed t
of the service, and filled up the ranks with tall and burly Negroes. In the hands of Badger this police is nothing but a black praetorian guard. As Longstreet's presence at the State House covered Kellogg, Badger occupied Canal Street, a strong position, sweeping the main thoroughfares, connecting the quays with the lake, and dividing the French quarter, in which St. Louis Street lies, from the English quarter, in which the White citizens mostly live. He had three guns in position, one Gatling and two Napoleons, and two hundred of his Black Regiment stood under arms round the statue of Henry Clay. By twos and threes the unarmed citizens passed Canal Street towards the State House, and at two o'clock seventeen hundred of these unarmed citizens occupied the sidewalks of Poydrass Street and the adjacent avenues Fall in! The citizens seemed to know their duties. Companies and battalions were formed. Rifles, hastily landed from a steamer, were distributed, and General Og
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