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Browsing named entities in a specific section of William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune. Search the whole document.

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Hezekiah Niles (search for this): chapter 7
but which Calhoun declared was passed more to make a political issue than to please the manufacturers. This opinion was certainly in line with Greeley's recommendation. From that time to the date of his nomination for President, Greeley, with the Tribune at his back, was the foremost advocate of a protective tariff in this country, addressing a larger constituency than any of the tariff advocates in Congress. He was early recognized as an authority on the subject, Weed placing only Hezekiah Niles above him. He was the author of an article in the Merchants' Magazine of May, 1841, which replied to a free-trader's argument, and he and McElrath began, in 1842, the publication of a magazine called The American Laborer, whose purpose was the inculcation of the protective doctrine. In November, 1843, he and Joseph Blunt defended the affirmative side in a debate in the Tabernacle in New York city on the question, Resolved, That a protective tariff is conducive to our national prosperit
J. K. Polk (search for this): chapter 7
It was in this campaign that Greeley won his position as the leading Whig expounder and defender of the doctrine of protection. Greeley accepted the election of Polk as a personal defeat of himself. I was the worst beaten man on the continent, was his own later expression. But he also believed that Clay might have been electe question, as it was shaping itself in connection with Texas annexation; but he did not abandon the tariff as his favorite leading issue for the campaign of 1848. Polk's letter to John K. Kane, in 1844, in which he had declared it the duty of the Government to extend fair and just protection to all the great interests of the wholesult a fair test of the popular opinion on the tariff. He was encouraged, too, by the speedy passage of a new tariff bill by the Democratic Congress elected with Polk. The new Secretary of the Treasury, Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, in his first report, strongly favored a lighter tariff, making what was considered an attack
John K. Kane (search for this): chapter 7
have been elected had all the Kentuckian's supporters worked as hard as he did. The circulation of 100,000 copies of his Daily Tribune and of 25,000 of his Clay Tribune would, he always thought, have secured Clay's election. Greeley did not ignore, in the next few years, the growing importance of the slavery question, as it was shaping itself in connection with Texas annexation; but he did not abandon the tariff as his favorite leading issue for the campaign of 1848. Polk's letter to John K. Kane, in 1844, in which he had declared it the duty of the Government to extend fair and just protection to all the great interests of the whole Union, had, together with the placing of Dallas on the ticket with him, taken a good deal of the protection wind out of the Whig sails, so that Greeley did not consider the result a fair test of the popular opinion on the tariff. He was encouraged, too, by the speedy passage of a new tariff bill by the Democratic Congress elected with Polk. The new
Harrison (search for this): chapter 7
ed that the condition of the finances would no longer permit a strict observance of that act. In the following March-just previous to his farewell to the Senate-Clay introduced resolutions favoring an increase to 30 per cent of the duties that would be reduced to 20 per cent in the following June, and at the same time a repeal of the law under which there was to be no distribution of the proceeds of land sales among the States so long as the tariff rate exceeded 20 per cent. The death of Harrison elevated to the presidency a man whom Greeley in later years characterized as an imbittered, implacable enemy of the party which had raised him from obscurity and neglect to the pinnacle of power. The Tribune gave Tyler faithful support in the early part of his administration, even taking the view of only a minority of the Whigs in defending Webster's course in remaining in the Cabinet after his associates, at Clay's instigation, had resigned because of the President's veto of the United S
Jackson (search for this): chapter 7
nt more on January 1, 1836; another 10 per cent on January 1, 1838, and a fourth on January 1, 1840; on January 1, 1842, one-half of the remaining excess was to be abolished, and the remainder of the excess on July 1, 1842, leaving, after that date, a uniform tax of 20 per cent. One of the arguments used by Clay to secure support for his compromise from his fellow protectionists was that it would be superseded before its ultra reductions took effect. But during the second administration of Jackson and the administration of Van Buren-the latter had no very clear views about the tariff --other financial questions occupied the attention of the country, and even during the hard times of 1837-the tariff was only incidentally alluded to in the discussion of remedies; and until after the election of 1840 no aggressive steps were taken to change the law. But the approach of the date when the horizontal rate of 20 per cent would go into effect was causing uneasiness. The duty on rolled bar
Robert J. Walker (search for this): chapter 7
clared it the duty of the Government to extend fair and just protection to all the great interests of the whole Union, had, together with the placing of Dallas on the ticket with him, taken a good deal of the protection wind out of the Whig sails, so that Greeley did not consider the result a fair test of the popular opinion on the tariff. He was encouraged, too, by the speedy passage of a new tariff bill by the Democratic Congress elected with Polk. The new Secretary of the Treasury, Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, in his first report, strongly favored a lighter tariff, making what was considered an attack on the protection policy; and a bill which bore his name was passed (by the casting vote of Vice-President Dallas in the Senate, and against the vote of every Representative but one from Pennsylvania) which divided dutiable articles into classes, those in Schedule C, for instance, which included most products over which there was a special controversy, to pay a duty of 30 per ce
Dallas (search for this): chapter 7
nd out of the Whig sails, so that Greeley did not consider the result a fair test of the popular opinion on the tariff. He was encouraged, too, by the speedy passage of a new tariff bill by the Democratic Congress elected with Polk. The new Secretary of the Treasury, Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, in his first report, strongly favored a lighter tariff, making what was considered an attack on the protection policy; and a bill which bore his name was passed (by the casting vote of Vice-President Dallas in the Senate, and against the vote of every Representative but one from Pennsylvania) which divided dutiable articles into classes, those in Schedule C, for instance, which included most products over which there was a special controversy, to pay a duty of 30 per cent on their value; the tariff of 1842 provided that iron, in this schedule, should pay so many dollars per ton. In 1846, Pennsylvania, in an off year, chose sixteen Whigs out of her nineteen Representatives in Congress,
Horace Greeley (search for this): chapter 7
Chapter 6: the tariff question Greeley's early sympathies legislation between 1832 and desire to try the issue four years later Greeley's sympathies were always in favor of a protecarrison elevated to the presidency a man whom Greeley in later years characterized as an imbitteredt to Washington in December, 1841, convinced Greeley that Tyler was treacherously coqueting with Lfocoism with a view to his own renomination. Greeley made a trip in 1842 through parts of New Englers. This opinion was certainly in line with Greeley's recommendation. From that time to the dae dispensed with. A series of 24 essays by Greeley, designed to elucidate the science of politic an easy chair. It was in this campaign that Greeley won his position as the leading Whig expoundend defender of the doctrine of protection. Greeley accepted the election of Polk as a personal days thought, have secured Clay's election. Greeley did not ignore, in the next few years, the g[5 more...]
Henry Clay (search for this): chapter 7
tatement of his tariff principles his work for Clay in 1844 its effect on his health desire to trs Clay and other of his supporters anticipated (Clay looked for its speedy amendment), it was not maax of 20 per cent. One of the arguments used by Clay to secure support for his compromise from his free, and to which the President would consent. Clay, their leader, quickly presented his program inrch-just previous to his farewell to the Senate-Clay introduced resolutions favoring an increase to will so much tend to insure the election of Henry Clay next President as the veto of an efficient tbor, cooperation, and kindred subjects. Henry Clay received the Whig nomination for President iwn later expression. But he also believed that Clay might have been elected had all the Kentuckian' Tribune would, he always thought, have secured Clay's election. Greeley did not ignore, in the nes. Greeley strongly favored the nomination of Clay again in 1848, and another tariff campaign, but[2 more...]
Thomas McElrath (search for this): chapter 7
ey's recommendation. From that time to the date of his nomination for President, Greeley, with the Tribune at his back, was the foremost advocate of a protective tariff in this country, addressing a larger constituency than any of the tariff advocates in Congress. He was early recognized as an authority on the subject, Weed placing only Hezekiah Niles above him. He was the author of an article in the Merchants' Magazine of May, 1841, which replied to a free-trader's argument, and he and McElrath began, in 1842, the publication of a magazine called The American Laborer, whose purpose was the inculcation of the protective doctrine. In November, 1843, he and Joseph Blunt defended the affirmative side in a debate in the Tabernacle in New York city on the question, Resolved, That a protective tariff is conducive to our national prosperity, Samuel J. Tilden and Parke Godwin taking the negative. As he printed his argument on this occasion in his autobiography in 1868, it may be accepte
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