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ptor, and to employ him to cut the scroll work around the plinth of the pedestal, which was done. On June 15, 1887, the treasurer reported that the funds in hand amounted to $55,972.56. The following letter was laid before the committee in December of the same year by Governor Lee: My Dear Governor,—I send you a draft on New York for $1,000 as my contribution to the monument to General Lee. I have heretofore contributed, but the amount was not as much as I desired. I desire that thl government, either through the judicial department or any other department, to use any coercive means to compel him, and upon this ground the motion for the mandamus must be overruled. This decision was rendered by the Supreme Court at its December term, 1860, after the election of Mr. Lincoln. You will observe that the proclamation sought to avoid the law as established by the Supreme Court, by affecting to treat the secession of the States as an act of insurrection on the part of their
hat Mr. Lincoln had been elected, the cotton States, consisting of South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, took measures to secede from the Union, treating his election as a sufficient cause for their action. South Carolina led the way on the 17th of December, 1860, and was followed by the others—Texas having been the last to secede. Her representatives subscribed the provisional Confederate Constitution at Montgomery on the 2d of March, 1861. On the 11th of that month these States, through their representatives, adopted the permanent Confederate Constitution. To understand the full effect of this important step, and how it was regarded by the great majority of the people of the border States, as we shall see, it must be remembered that nothing had occurred at that time to change the legal or political condition of the people of the seceding States. Mr. Lincoln had been duly elected, it is true, after a very exciting election, but the Rep
dolph, Mrs. James Lyons, Mrs. William Brown and Miss E. B. Nicholas. The next day, and of the same materials, was formed the Association of the Army of Northern Virginia, whose annual meetings have done so much to illustrate and to perpetuate the history of the South during the most brilliant and trying period of her existence. Meantime the ladies' committee had not been idle. A request was made by them to all the churches in the South to take up a collection on the fourth Sunday in November, being the 27th of that month. Still under the glow of the patriotic devotion that followed the death of General Lee, it did not occur to the committee that many clergymen might regard this as the intrusion of a worldly matter into the holy precincts of the sanctuary. Many did very naturally take this view of the case. Nevertheless, the appeal resulted in the collection of a considerable sum, the largest contribution ($3,000) coming from Savannah. At the foot of the copy of the cir
November, 1860 AD (search for this): chapter 1.12
The popular vote stood 34,794 for and 11,235 against secession. The whole vote cast in the presidential election in November, 1860, by the people of Texas was 62,986, being nearly 7,000 more than the vote on the ordinance of secession. The 17,000 against the measure, out of a voting population of 54,053, as shown by the vote cast at the presidential election in November, 1860, indicating that the people were nearly divided. The convention assembled on the 4th of March following, and on thst and 54,156 for the measure, the total vote being nearly 24,000 less than that cast at the presidential election in November, 1860. In Virginia a convention assembled on the 13th of February, 1861, and devoted itself mainly to effect a peaceful nt the support of more than two-thirds of the votes of the whole South, and from the time Mr. Lincoln was elected, in November, 1860, the people of these States did not cease to urge upon the Federal authorities the policy of peace. While affairs
May 15th, 1886 AD (search for this): chapter 1.12
work. In the meantime General Fitzhugh Lee was inaugurated Governor of Virginia, and being ex officio president of the Lee Monument Association under the act of the General Assembly of March 13th, 1884, with characteristic energy he began to take measures to bring about, without further delay, the erection of the monument. He proposed that the two associations should unite in their action, and called a meeting at the office of the Governor of Virginia, in the Capitol at Richmond, on May 15th, 1886. Present: Governor Fitzhugh Lee, Colonel Archer Anderson, Miss Sarah N. Randolph, Miss E. B. Nicholas, Morton Marye, Auditor of Public Accounts, A. W. Harman, Jr., Treasurer of the Commonwealth. The following resolutions are extracted from the minutes of this meeting: 1st. A board of managers to consist of six persons, to be constituted in the outset as follows: The Governor of Virginia, the Auditor of Public Accounts, the Treasurer of the Commonwealth, and three managers to be a
ecially in consideration of the surroundings proposed by them and submitted to us in the plan and survey of Colonel C. P. E. Burgwyn, including the broad intersecting avenues and open area or place about the monument circle, which dedication and survey are to be parts of the deed and recorded therewith, the location and site upon the Allen property are hereby selected and determined upon for the monument to be erected to General Robert E. Lee by this association. Preparing the site. September I, 1887, an engineer of the association was employed, and a contract was awarded to Messrs. Philips & Ford for excavating and grading, at $450. The engineer was directed to correspond with Mr. Caspar Buberl, a New York sculptor, and to employ him to cut the scroll work around the plinth of the pedestal, which was done. On June 15, 1887, the treasurer reported that the funds in hand amounted to $55,972.56. The following letter was laid before the committee in December of the same year
December 17th, 1860 AD (search for this): chapter 1.12
event the views of duty and of policy entertained in the cotton and in the border States were widely divergent. I shall try to show what that difference was. Secession. Soon after it became known that Mr. Lincoln had been elected, the cotton States, consisting of South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, took measures to secede from the Union, treating his election as a sufficient cause for their action. South Carolina led the way on the 17th of December, 1860, and was followed by the others—Texas having been the last to secede. Her representatives subscribed the provisional Confederate Constitution at Montgomery on the 2d of March, 1861. On the 11th of that month these States, through their representatives, adopted the permanent Confederate Constitution. To understand the full effect of this important step, and how it was regarded by the great majority of the people of the border States, as we shall see, it must be remembered that n
April 15th, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 1.12
is necessary to mark the difference between the state of affairs before and after the proclamation of Mr. Lincoln of April 15, 1861—a difference so important and so generally disregarded in what is said and written on the subject of the war that I sgoing into the details of the action of Kentucky and Missouri during the same time, it is enough to say that prior to April 15, 1861, the people of those States were, if possible, more decided in their opposition to secession than the people of Virgiy of the attachment of the latter to the Union. I have thus endeavored to show you how matters stood before the 15th of April, 1861, and to point out the important fact so essential to a correct understanding of the history of that eventful periodrolled away from Sumter, the answer to the guns of its assailants was delivered in the proclamation of Mr. Lincoln of April 15, 1861. Let me read that momentous document, because it was Mr. Lincoln's answer to the people of the border States as we
s we shall find a marked difference of opinion and feeling. The people of Arkansas voted on the 16th of January, 1861, on the proposition to call a convention to decide upon the subject of secession. It was determined to hold a convention by a vote of 27,412 for and 15,826 against the measure, out of a voting population of 54,053, as shown by the vote cast at the presidential election in November, 1860, indicating that the people were nearly divided. The convention assembled on the 4th of March following, and on the 18th rejected an ordinance of secession by a vote of 35 to 39 against it. In North Carolina the Legislature passed a bill, on the 30th of January, 1861, to submit to a popular vote the question of calling a convention. The vote was taken on the 28th of February, 1861, and resulted in 46,671 for and 47,333 against holding a convention. In Tennessee, on the 8th of February, 1861, the people voted against calling a convention, 67,360 against and 54,156 for the m
e threatened emancipation of the slaves, and all the consequences of that measure, by returning to the Federal Union. How emancipation came about. Emancipation, therefore, was used as a threat to the States that should continue to resist the Federal arms after the 1st day of January, 1863, and protection to slavery by the Federal Government was the reward promised to such States as should cease to resist. But Mr. Lincoln has left no room for doubt as to his views on this subject. One month before the warning proclamation of September 22d, he wrote to Mr. Greeley as follows: My paramount object is to save the Union and not either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would do that also. What I do about slavery and the colored race I do because I believe it helps to save the Union, an
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