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mber 22d of last year, the nation has turned its face Zionward; and ever since Burnside drew his sword in Virginia, we have moved toward that point. [Cheers.] Now, aay of every wood, the whole country is a map at night to their instinct. When Burnside unfurled the Stars and Stripes in sight of Roanoke, he saw a little canoe paddt contraband hand, victory was brought to the United States of America, led by Burnside. He came to the Rhode Island general, and said: This is deep water, and that an engineer could not have done it in a month, in the memory of that man. And Burnside was loyal to humanity, and believed him. [Applause.] Disloyal to the Northern brain of that contraband [applause]; and to-day he stands at the right hand of Burnside, clad in uniform, long before Hunter armed a negro, with the pledge of the Gen step, he betrayed the negro. If, as his friends allege, he allowed Hunter or Burnside — on a new convert, the other not converted at all — to dictate such a course,
William H. Seward (search for this): chapter 26
r wholly free. In October of the same year, Mr. Seward, in his great irrepressible conflict speech cid with cologne-water. You cannot hurl William H. Seward at Jeff Davis. [Great applause and laugsound vegetable. So you will have to peel off Seward and Halleck, Blair and Chase [laughter], till emont. You may take another parallel. One is Seward, and another is Butler. Seward does not belieSeward does not believe in war, but in diplomacy or compromise. He has prophesied again and again that this war, like th of them; we shall get over it in sixty days. Seward believes it yet; he receives commissioners; hent, is the change needed in civil affairs. If Seward is a Republican, God grant us a Democratic sucsent. I am saying nothing of the motives of Mr. Seward, nothing. When a man is dying, an honest mian't; he says he knows nothing about it. William H. Seward can't; he says he knows nothing about iter President nor Cabinet nor Senate. Peel off Seward, peel off Halleck, peel off Blair, peel off Su[1 more...]
negro saw a Quaker coat, his heart beat easy,--he knew he was safe. I think the Stars and Stripes can float lazily down and kiss the standard, all over the South, when a black face is in sight. But I am not speaking for the negro; I am not asking now for his rights; I am asking for the use of him. I want him for the future. We have to make over the State of South Carolina, and we are not sure there is a white man in it who is on our side. Do you remember that significant telegram of McClellan from Yorktown,--and it was only the repetition of a dozen telegrams that preceded it, substantially this:--To the Secretary of War: Sir, we have taken Yorktown; only one single white man in it. He does not think it necessary to say there were some thousands of negroes. Of course there were. They stayed where liberty was coming, and ideas, and civilization, and men who worked with their hands and their brains, as they themselves did. They recognized in the Yankee a brother mechanic. [La
Rufus King (search for this): chapter 26
plause.] I do not think a nation's life is bound up in a parchment. I think this is the momentous struggle of a great nation for existence and perpetuity. Two elements are at war to-day. In nineteen loyal and fourteen rebellious States those two elements of civilization which I have described are fighting. And it is no new thing that they are fighting. They could not exist side by side without fighting, and they never have. In 1787, when the Constitution was formed, James Madison and Rufus King, followed by the ablest men in the Convention, announced that the dissension between the States was not between great States and little, but between Free States and Slave. Even then the conflict had begun. In 1833, Mr. Adams said, on the floor of Congress: Whether Slave and Free States can cohere into one Union is a matter of theoretical speculation. We are trying the experiment. In June, 1858, Mr. Lincoln used the language: This country is half slave and half free. It must become eit
Charles Sumner (search for this): chapter 26
incapacity,--written Ichabod on its own brow. Judging by the past, whose will and wit can we trust? None of them,--I am utterly impartial,--neither President nor Cabinet nor Senate. Peel off Seward, peel off Halleck, peel off Blair, peel off Sumner,--yes, Massachusetts Senators as well as others. No, I will not say peel off our Massachusetts Senators; but I will say their recent action has very materially lessened my confidence in their intelligence and fidelity. I will tell you why. Whenpit on the government, and expect promotion,--tramplA on the negro, and be sure of employment! Sigel, Fremont, Butler, hamilton, Phelps, and a host of others idle, yet a negro-hater promoted on the plea of necessity to get good officers! When Mr. Sumner let personal feelings lead him to such a step, he betrayed the negro. If, as his friends allege, he allowed Hunter or Burnside — on a new convert, the other not converted at all — to dictate such a course, he forgot that we chose him, not them
Samuel Adams (search for this): chapter 26
usand acres with New Orleans for his port of entry and New York for his counting-house. And it was as much a part of the deed as if it had been so written. Now, if South Carolina can show that Illinois and New York have broken the deed, she has a right of revolution; that is, she has a right to reject it. But until she can show that they have broken the deed, she is a swindler. Illinois owns New Orleans as much as Chicago, in a national sense. So the negro who sat down and waited when Samuel Adams, who thought slavery a crime, and your Gouverneur Morris, who thought it a disgrace and a sin, said, Wait, the time will come when the constant waves of civilization or the armed right hand of the war power will strike off your fetters, and the slave sat down and waited. In 1819,--the Missouri Compromise,--when the time had come, as John Randolph said the time would come, when the master would run away from his slave, the slave arose and said, Fulfil the pledge; I have invested a genera
and a Massachusetts Senator made him a Brigadier-General. Such Republicanism will never put down the rebellion. Colonel Stevenson said he had rather be whipped with white men than conquer with black men; and General Hunter took away his sword. its will be unmistakably known. That is the chief reason why I blame our Massachusetts Senators for conferring on Colonel Stevenson the honor of Brigadier-Generalship just at the moment he defied and denounced the policy of the government. Gross the service would afterwards mistake the purpose of the administration, or dare to misuse a negro. That word was, Colonel Stevenson, for your services and your apology we overlook your fault; but stay a Colonel till by faithful and hearty co-operae grave powers. But I have the best authority for saying that General Hunter never asked of any Senator to promote Colonel Stevenson. I have the best reason for believing that he, like myself, looks on that act of the Senate as a grave error. Thi
the state: one is, such a man as Halleck, who hates negroes, spurns novelties, distrusts ideas, rejects everything but red tape. The others are Hamilton, Butler, Phelps, and Fremont [loud applause], Sigel, who mean that this Union shall mean justice at any rate, and that if it does not mean justice it shall not exist; who know no and filled two hundred and fifty thousand martyred patriot graves,--rebels, not belligerents. Now in the two distinctions between Halleck, routine, and Fremont, Phelps, Butler, realities, is the change needed for the future in military affairs; in the difference between Seward, the politician, and Butler, the government, is the rmy take from such an example? Spit on the government, and expect promotion,--tramplA on the negro, and be sure of employment! Sigel, Fremont, Butler, hamilton, Phelps, and a host of others idle, yet a negro-hater promoted on the plea of necessity to get good officers! When Mr. Sumner let personal feelings lead him to such a st
e government how far the sound fibre of the nation extended. When Fremont [loud and long-continued applause]-why won't you ever let me go on when I name Fremont? [Laughter.] I say, when he pronounced that word Emancipation on the banks of the Mississippi, the whole North, except eld. Heaven forbid [Applause.] The difference between Halleck and Fremont is just this: one has not learned anything since he graduated at Wything but red tape. The others are Hamilton, Butler, Phelps, and Fremont [loud applause], Sigel, who mean that this Union shall mean justic then shall we succeed. I have compared General Halleck and General Fremont. You may take another parallel. One is Seward, and another ierents. Now in the two distinctions between Halleck, routine, and Fremont, Phelps, Butler, realities, is the change needed for the future inomotion,--tramplA on the negro, and be sure of employment! Sigel, Fremont, Butler, hamilton, Phelps, and a host of others idle, yet a negro-
William Lloyd Garrison (search for this): chapter 26
unity, and puts a matron in a felon's cell for teaching a black sister to read. I mean the intellectual, social aristocratic South,--the thing that manifests itself barbarism and the bowie-knife, by bullying and lynch-law, by ignorance and idleness, by the claim of one man to own his brother, by statutes making it penal for the State of Massachusetts to bring an action in her courts, by statutes, standing on the books of Georgia to-day, offering five thousand dollars for the head of William Lloyd Garrison. That South is to be annihilated. [Loud applause.] The totality of my common sense--01 whatever you may call it — is this, all summed up in one word: This country will never know peace nor union until the South (using the words in the sense I have described) is annihilated, and the North is spread over it. I do not care where men go for the power. They may find it in the parchment,--I do. I think, with Patrick Henry, with John Quincy Adams, with General Cass, we have ample consti
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