BOOK V
CHAPTER I
The Scattered Republican forces -- How they were reassembled -- Octavius
and Antony after the Battle -- Antony in Asia -- Makes a Public Speech
at Ephesus -- Levies Ten Years' Taxes -- Distress of the Inhabitants --
Antony makes a tour of The Eastern Provinces -- Meets Cleopatra in
Cilicia and becomes her Slave -- The Murder of Arsinoe -- Unsuccessful
Attack on Palmyra -- Antony goes to Egypt to join Cleopatra
AFTER the death of Cassius and Brutus, Octavius returned to Italy. Antony
proceeded to Asia, where he met Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, and succumbed to
her charms at first sight. This passion brought ruin upon them and upon all
Egypt besides. For this reason a part of this book will treat of Egypt -- a
small part, however, not worth mentioning in the title, since it is
incidental to the narrative of the civil wars, which constitutes much the
larger portion. Other similar civil wars took place after Cassius and
Brutus, but there was no one in command of all the forces as they had been.
The later wars were sporadic. But, finally, Sextus Pompeius, the younger son
of Pompey the Great, the last remaining leader of that faction, was slain,
as Brutus and Cassius had been, and Lepidus was deprived of his share of the
triumvirate, and the whole government of the Romans was centred in two only,
Antony and Octavius. These events came about in the following manner.
[
2]
Cassius, surnamed Parmesius,
1 had been left by Cassius and Brutus in Asia with a fleet
and an army to collect money. After the death of Cassius, not anticipating
the like fate of Brutus, he selected thirty ships belonging to the Rhodians,
which he intended to man, and burned the rest, except the sacred one, so
that they might not be able to revolt. Having done this he took his
departure with his own ships and the thirty. Clodius, who had been sent by
Brutus to Rhodes with thirteen ships, found the Rhodians in revolt (for
Brutus also was now dead). Clodius took away the garrison, consisting of
3000 soldiers, and joined Parmesius. They were joined by Turulius, who had a
numerous fleet and a large sum of money which he had previously extorted
from Rhodes.
2 To this fleet, which was now quite
powerful, flocked those who were rendering service in various parts of Asia,
and they manned the ships with soldiers as well as they could, and with
slaves, prisoners, and inhabitants of the islands where they touched, as
rowers. The son of Cicero joined them, and others of the nobility who had
escaped from Thasos. Thus in a short time there was a considerable gathering
and organization of officers, soldiers, and ships. Having received
additional forces under Lepidus,
3 who had brought Crete under subjection to Brutus, they made
sail to the Adriatic and united with Murcus and Domitius Ahenobarbus, who
had a large force under their command. Some of these sailed with Murcus to
Sicily to join Sextus Pompeius. The rest remained with Ahenobarbus and
formed a faction by themselves. Such was the first reassembling of what
remained of the war preparations of Cassius and Brutus.
[
3]
After the battle of Philippi Octavius and Antony offered a magnificent
sacrifice and awarded praise to their army. In order to provide the rewards
of victory Octavius went to Italy to divide the land among the soldiers and
to settle the colonies. He was chosen for this purpose on account of his
illness. Antony went to the nations beyond the Ægean to collect
the money that had been promised to the soldiers. They divided the provinces
among themselves as before and took those of Lepidus besides. It was
decided, at the instance of Octavius, to make Cisalpine Gaul free,
4 as the elder Cæsar had intended. Lepidus
had been accused of betraying the affairs of the triumvirate to Pompeius. It
was decided that if Octavius should find that this accusation was false
other provinces should be given to Lepidus. They dismissed from the military
service the soldiers who had served their full time, except 8000 who had
asked to remain. These they took back and divided between themselves and
formed them in prætorian cohorts. There remained to them,
including those who had come over from Brutus, eleven legions of infantry
and 14,000 horse. Of these Antony took, for his foreign expedition, six
legions and 10,000 horse. Octavius had five legions and 4000 horse, but of
these he gave two legions to Antony in exchange for others that Antony had
left in Italy under the command of Calenus. Then Octavius proceeded
toward the
Adriatic.
[
4]
When Antony arrived at Ephesus he offered a splendid sacrifice to the city's
goddess and pardoned those who, after the disaster to Brutus and Cassius,
had fled to the temple as suppliants, except Petronius, who had been privy
to the murder of Cæsar, and Quintus, who had betrayed Dolabella to
Cassius at Laodicea. Having assembled the Greeks and other peoples who
inhabited the Asiatic country around Pergamos, and who were present on a
peace embassy, and others who had been summoned thither, Antony addressed
them as follows: "Your King Attalus, O Greeks, left you to us in his will,
and straightway we proved better to you than Attalus had been, for we
released you from the taxes that you had been paying to him, until the
action of popular agitators among us made these taxes necessary. When they
became necessary we did not impose them upon you according to a fixed
valuation so that we could collect an absolutely certain sum, but we
required you to contribute a portion of your yearly harvest in order that we
might share with you the vicissitudes of the seasons. When the publicans,
who made these collections by the authority of the Senate, wronged you by
demanding more than was due, Gaius Cæsar remitted to you one-third
of what you had paid to them and put an end to their outrages; for he even
turned over to you the collection of the taxes from the cultivators of the
soil. And this was the kind of man that our honorable citizens called a
tyrant, and you contributed vast sums of money to the murderers of your
benefactor and against us, who were seeking to avenge him.
[
5]
"Now that a just fortune has decided the war, not as you wished, but as was
right, if we were to treat you as allies of our enemies we should be obliged
to punish you. But as we are willing to believe that you were constrained to
this course by necessity, we will release you from the heavier penalty. We
need money and land and cities as rewards for our soldiers. There are
twenty-eight legions of infantry which, with the auxiliaries, amount to
upwards of 170,000 men, besides cavalry and various other arms of the
service. The sum that we need for such a vast number of men you can easily
imagine. Octavius has gone to Italy to provide them with land and cities --
to expropriate Italy, if we must speak plainly. That we may not be under the
necessity of expelling you from your lands, cities, houses, temples, and
tombs, we must count upon getting money from you, not all that you have (we
could not think of that), but a part, a very small part, which, when you
learn it, I think you will cheerfully pay. What you contributed to our
enemies in two years (for you gave them the taxes of ten years in that time)
will be quite sufficient for us; but it must be paid in one year, because we
are pressed by necessity. As you are sensible of our leniency toward you, I
will merely add that the penalty imposed is by no means equal to your
deserts."
[
6]
Antony spoke thus of providing a donative for twenty-eight legions of
infantry, whereas I think that they had forty-three legions when they came
to their agreement at Mutina and made these promises, but the war had
probably reduced them to this number. The Greeks, while he was still
speaking, threw themselves upon the ground, declaring that they had been
subjected to force and violence by Brutus and Cassius, and that they were
deserving of pity, not of punishment; that they would willingly give to
their benefactors, but that they had been stripped by their enemies, to whom
they had delivered not only their money, but, in default of money, their
plate and their ornaments, and who had coined these things into money in
their presence. Finally, they prevailed by their entreaties that the amount
should be reduced to nine years' taxes, payable in two years. It was ordered
that the kings, princes, and free cities should make additional
contributions according to their means, respectively.
[
7]
While Antony was making the circuit of the provinces Lucius Cassius, the
brother of Gaius, and some others, who feared for their own safety, when
they heard of the pardon of Ephesus, presented themselves to him as
suppliants. He released them all except those who had been privy to the
murder of Cæsar. To these alone he was inexorable. He gave relief
to the cities that had suffered most severely. He released the Lycians from
taxes altogether, and urged the rebuilding of Xanthus. He gave to the
Rhodians Andros, Tenos, Naxos, and Myndus,
5 which were taken
from them not long afterward because they ruled them harshly. He made
Laodicea and Tarsus free cities and released them from taxes entirely, and
those inhabitants of Tarsus who had been sold into slavery he liberated by
an order. To the Athenians when they came to see him he gave Ægina
in exchange for Tenos, and also Icos, Cea, Sciathos, and Peparethos.
Proceeding onward to Phrygia, Mysia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia,
Cœle-Syria, Palestine, Ituræa, and the other provinces
of Syria, he imposed heavy contributions on all, and acted as arbiter
between kings and cities, -- in Cappadocia, for example, between Ariarthes
and Sisinna, awarding the kingdom to Sisinna on account of his mother,
Glaphyra, who appeared to him to be a beautiful woman. In Syria he delivered
the cities from tyrants one after another.
[
8]
Cleopatra came to meet him in Cilicia, and he blamed her for not sharing
their labors in avenging Cæsar. Instead of apologizing she
enumerated to him the things she had done, saying that she had sent the four
legions that had been left with her to Dolabella forthwith, and that she had
another fleet in readiness, but had been prevented from sending it by
adverse winds and by the misfortune of Dolabella, whose defeat came
suddenly; that she did not lend assistance to Cassius, who had threatened
her twice; that while the war was going on she had set sail for the Adriatic
in person with a fleet to assist them, in defiance of Cassius, and
disregarding Murcus, who was lying in wait for her; but that a tempest
shattered the fleet and prostrated herself with illness, for which reason
she was not able to put to sea again till they had already gained their
victory. Antony was amazed at her wit as well as her good looks, and became
her captive as though he were a young man, although he was forty years of
age. It is said that he was always very susceptible in this way, and that he
had been enamoured of her long ago when she was still a girl and he was
serving as master of horse under Gabinius at Alexandria.
[
9]
Straightway Antony's interest in public affairs began to dwindle. Whatever
Cleopatra ordered was done, regardless of laws, human or divine. While her
sister Arsinoe was a suppliant in the temple of Artemis Leucophryne at
Miletus,
6 Antony sent
assassins thither and put her to death. Serapion, Cleopatra's prefect in
Cyprus, who had assisted Cassius and was now a suppliant at Tyre, Antony
ordered the Tyrians to deliver to her. He commanded the Aradians to deliver
up another suppliant who, when Ptolemy, the brother of Cleopatra,
disappeared at the battle with Cæsar on the Nile, said that he was
Ptolemy, and whom the Aradians now held. He ordered the priest of Artemis at
Ephesus, whom they called Megabyzus,
7 and who had once received
Arsinoe as queen, to be brought before him, but in response to the
supplications of the Ephesians, addressed to Cleopatra herself, released
him. So swiftly was Antony transformed, and this passion was the beginning
and the end of evils that befell him. When Cleopatra returned home Antony
sent a cavalry force to Palmyra, situated not far from the Euphrates, to
plunder it, bringing the trifling accusations against its inhabitants, that,
being on the frontier between the Romans and the Parthians, they had avoided
taking sides between them; for, being merchants, they bring the products of
India and Arabia and dispose of them in the Roman territory. In fact,
Antony's intention was to enrich his horsemen, but the Palmyreans were
forewarned and they transported their property across the river, and,
stationing themselves on the bank, prepared to shoot anybody who should
attack them, for they were expert bowmen. The cavalry found nothing in the
city. They turned around and came back, having met no foe, and empty-handed.
[
10]
It seems that this course on Antony's part caused the outbreak of the
Parthian war not long afterward, as many of the rulers expelled from Syria
had taken refuge with the Parthians. Syria, until the reign of Antiochus
Pius and his son, Antiochus, had been ruled by the descendants of Seleucus
Nicator, as I have related in my Syrian history. Pompey added it to the
Roman sway, and Scaurus was appointed prætor over it. After
Scaurus the Senate sent others, including Gabinius, who made war against the
Alexandrians, and after Gabinius, Crassus, who lost his life in the Parthian
war, and after Crassus, Bibulus. At the time of Cæsar's death and
the intestine strife which followed, tyrants got possession of the cities
one by one, and they were assisted by the Parthians, who made an irruption
into Syria after the disaster to Crassus and coöperated with the
tyrants. Antony drove out the latter, who took refuge in Parthia. He then
imposed very heavy tribute on the masses and committed the outrage already
mentioned against the Palmyreans, and did not wait for the disturbed country
to become quiet, but distributed his army in winter quarters in the
provinces, and himself went to Egypt to join Cleopatra.
[
11]
She gave him a magnificent reception, and he spent the winter there without
the insignia of his office and with the habit and mode of life of a private
person, either because he was in a foreign jurisdiction, in a city under
royal sway, or because he regarded his wintering as a festal occasion. He
laid aside the cares and duties of a general, and wore the square-cut
garment of the Greeks instead of the costume of his own country, and the
white Attic shoe of the Athenian and Alexandrian priests, which they call
the phœcasium. He went out only to the temples,
the schools, and the discussions of the learned, and spent his time with
Greeks, out of deference to Cleopatra, to whom his sojourn in Alexandria was
wholly devoted. Such was the state of affairs with Antony.
CHAPTER II
Octavius returns to Rome -- Consternation among the Italians --
Confiscation and Division of the Land -- Beginning of Trouble with
Lucius Antonius -- Outrages committed by the Soldiers -- Octavius
powerless to prevent them -- The Killing of Nonius -- Insubordination
and Desertion, and the Causes thereof
[
12]
As Octavius was journeying to Rome he became dangerously ill at Brundusium,
and a rumor gained currency that he was dead. On his recovery he returned to
the city and showed to Antony's friends the letters Antony had written. The
Antonians directed Calenus to give Octavius the two legions, and wrote to
Sextius in Africa to turn that province over to him. This was the course of
the Antonians while, as it appeared that Lepidus had not been guilty of any
serious wrong, Octavius transferred Africa to him in exchange for his former
provinces. He also sold the remainder of the property confiscated under the
conscriptions. The task of assigning the soldiers to their colonies and
dividing the land was one of exceeding difficulty. The soldiers demanded the
cities which had been selected for them before the war as prizes for their
valor. The cities demanded that the whole of Italy should share the burden,
or that the cities should cast lots with the other cities, and that those
who gave the land should be paid the value of it; but there was no money.
They came to Rome in crowds, young and old, women and children, to the forum
and the temples, uttering lamentations, saying that they had done no wrong
for which they, Italians, should be driven from their fields and their
hearthstones, like people conquered in war. The Romans mourned and wept with
them, especially when they reflected that the war had been waged, and the
rewards of victory given, not in behalf of the commonwealth, but against
themselves and for a change of the form of government; that the colonies
were established so that democracy should never again lift its head, --
colonies composed of hirelings settled there by the rulers to be in
readiness for whatever purpose they might be wanted.
[
13]
Octavius explained to the cities the necessity of the case, but he knew that
it would not satisfy them; and it did not. The soldiers encroached upon
their neighbors in an insolent manner, seizing more than had been given to
them and choosing the best lands; nor did they cease when Octavius rebuked
them and made them numerous other presents. They were contemptuous in the
knowledge that their rulers needed them to confirm their power, for the five
years' term of the triumvirate was passing away, and army and rulers needed
the services of each other for mutual security. The chiefs depended on the
soldiers for the continuance of their government, while, for the control of
what they had received, the soldiers depended on the permanence of the
government of those who had given it. Believing that they could not keep a
firm hold unless the givers had a strong government,
8 they fought for them with good-will,
necessarily. Octavius made many other gifts to the indigent soldiers,
borrowing from the temples for that purpose, for which reason the affections
of the army were turned toward him. The greater thanks were bestowed upon
him both as the giver of the land, the cities, the money, and the houses,
and as the object of denunciation on the part of the despoiled, and as one
who bore this contumely for the army's sake.
[
14]
Observing this, Lucius Antonius, the brother of Antony, who was then consul,
and Fulvia, the wife of Antony, and Manius, his procurator during his
absence, resorted to artifices to delay the settlement of the colonies till
Antony should return home, in order that it might not seem to be wholly the
work of Octavius, and that he might not reap the thanks alone, and Antony be
bereft of the favor of the soldiers. As this could not be done, on account
of the haste of the soldiers, they asked that Octavius should take the
colony leaders of Antony's legions from Antony's own friends, although the
agreement with Antony yielded the selection to Octavius exclusively. They
made it a matter of complaint that Antony was not present.
9 They brought
Fulvia and Antony's children before the soldiers, and, in envious terms,
besought them not to forget Antony or allow him to be deprived of the glory
or the gratitude due to his service to them. The fame of Antony was then at
its maximum, not only among the soldiers, but among all others. The victory
of Philippi was considered wholly due to him, on account of Octavius'
illness. Although Octavius was not ignorant that it was a violation of the
agreement, he yielded as a matter of favor to Antony, and appointed friends
of the latter as colony leaders for Antony's legions. These leaders, in
order that they might appear more favorable to the soldiers than Octavius
was, allowed them to commit still greater outrages. So there was another
multitude from other communities, neighbors of the dispossessed ones,
suffering many injuries at the hands of the soldiers, and crying out against
Octavius, saying that the colonization was worse than the proscription,
since the latter was directed against foes, while the former was against
inoffensive persons.
[
15]
Octavius knew that these citizens were suffering injustice, but he was
without means to prevent it. There was no money to pay the value of the land
to the cultivators,
10 nor could the rewards to
the soldiers be postponed, on account of the enemies who were still on foot.
Pompeius ruled the sea and was reducing the city to famine by cutting off
supplies. Ahenobarbus and Murcus were collecting a new fleet and army. The
soldiers would be less zealous in the future if they were not paid for their
former service. It was a matter of much importance that the five years' term
of office was running out, and that the good-will of the soldiers was needed
to renew it, for which reason he was willing to overlook for the time being
their insolence and arrogance. Once in the theatre when he was present, a
soldier, not finding his own seat, went and took one in the place reserved
for the knights. The people pointed him out and Octavius had him removed.
The soldiers were angry. They gathered around Octavius as he was going away
from the theatre and demanded their comrade, for, as they did not see him,
they thought that he had been put to death. When he was produced before them
they supposed that he had been brought from prison, but he denied that he
had been imprisoned and related what had taken place. They said that he had
been instructed to tell a lie and reproached him for betraying their common
interests. Such was the example of their insolence in the theatre.
11
[
16]
Having been called, about that time, to the Campus Martius for a division of
the land, they came in haste while it was still night, and they grew angry
because Octavius delayed his coming. Nonius, a centurion, chided them with
considerable freedom, urging decent treatment of the commander by the
commanded, and saying that the cause of the delay was Octavius' illness, not
his disregard of them. They first jeered at him as a sycophant. Then, as the
excitement waxed hot on both sides, they reviled him, threw stones at him,
and pursued him when he fled. Finally he plunged into the river and they
pulled him out and killed him and threw his body into the road where
Octavius was about to pass along. The friends of Octavius advised him not to
go among them, but to keep out of the way of their mad career. But he went
forward, thinking that their madness would be augmented if he did not come.
When he saw the body of Nonius he turned aside. Then, assuming that the
crime had been committed by a few, he chided them and advised them to
exercise forbearance toward each other hereafter, and proceeded to divide
the land. He allowed the meritorious ones to ask for rewards, and he gave to
some who were not meritorious, contrary to their expectation. Finally the
crowd were confounded. They repented and were ashamed of their importunity.
They condemned themselves and asked him to search out and punish the slayers
of Nonius. He replied that he knew them and would punish them only with
their own guilty consciences and the condemnation of their comrades. The
soldiers, thus honored with pardon, rewards, and gifts, changed at once to
joyful acclamations.
[
17]
Let these two instances serve as examples of the prevailing insubordination.
The cause was that the generals, for the most part, as is usually the case
in civil wars, were not regularly chosen; that their armies were not drawn
from the enrolment according to the custom of the fathers, nor for the
benefit of their country; that they did not serve the public so much as they
did the individuals who brought them together; and that they served these
not by the force of law, but by reason of private promises; not against the
common enemy, but against private foes; not against foreigners, but against
fellow-citizens, their equals in rank. All these things impaired military
discipline, and the soldiers thought that they were not so much serving in
the army as lending assistance, by their own favor and judgment, to leaders
who needed them for their own personal ends. Desertion, which had formerly
been unpardonable, was now rewarded with gifts, and whole armies resorted to
it, including some illustrious men, who did not consider it desertion to
change to a similar cause, for all parties were alike, since neither of them
could be distinguished as battling against the common enemy of the Roman
people. The common pretence of the generals that they were all striving for
the good of the country made desertion easy in the thought that one could
serve his country in any party. Understanding these facts the generals
tolerated this behavior, for they knew that their authority over their
armies depended on donatives rather than on law. Thus, everything was torn
in factions, and the armies indulged in insubordination toward the leaders
of the factions.
CHAPTER III
Famine in Rome -- Lucius Antonius espouses the Cause of the Citizens
against the Triumvirs -- An Arbitration between Lucius and Octavius --
The Trouble breaks out afresh -- Preparations for War between Lucius and
Octavius -- Another Arbitration proposed -- The Negotiations fruitless
-- Growing Power of Sextus Pompeius -- Situation of Affairs in Africa --
Beginning of Hostilities -- Octavius seeks Peace -- Ineffectual Embassy
to Lucius
[
18]
Now famine began to afflict Rome, the supplies by sea being cut off by
Pompeius, and Italian agriculture ruined by the wars. Whatever food was
produced was consumed by the troops. Many robberies were committed by night
in the city. There were acts of violence worse than robbery which went
unpunished, and which were supposed to have been committed by soldiers. The
people closed their shops and drove the magistrates from their places as
though there were no need of courts of justice, or of the useful arts in a
city oppressed by hunger and infested with brigands.
[
19]
Lucius Antonius, who was a republican and ill affected toward the
triumvirate, which seemed not likely to come to an end at the appointed
time, fell into controversy, and even graver differences, with Octavius. He
alone received kindly, and promised aid to, the agriculturists who had been
deprived of their lands and who were now the suppliants of every man of
importance; and they promised to carry out his orders. Antony's soldiers,
and Octavius also, blamed him for working against Antony's interests, and
Fulvia blamed him for stirring up war at an inopportune time, until Manius
maliciously changed her mind by telling her that as long as Italy remained
at peace Antony would stay with Cleopatra, but that if war should break out
there he would come back speedily. Then Fulvia, moved by a woman's jealousy,
incited Lucius to discord. While Octavius was leading out the last of the
colonies she sent the children of Antony, together with Lucius, to follow
him, so that he should not acquire too great £eclat with the army
by being seen alone. A body of Octavius' cavalry made an expedition to the
coast of Bruttium, which Pompeius was ravaging, and Lucius either thought or
pretended to think that it had been sent against himself and Antony's
children. Accordingly, he betook himself to the Antonian colonies to collect
a body-guard, and accused Octavius to the soldiers as being treacherous to
Antony. Octavius replied that everything was on a friendly and harmonius
footing between himself and Antony, and that Lucius was trying to stir up a
war between them for another reason, in that he was working against the
triumvirate, by virtue of which the soldiers had a firm hold upon their
colonies, and that the cavalry were now in Bruttium executing the
triumvirate's orders.
[
20]
When the officers of the army learned these facts, they arbitrated between
Lucius and Octavius at Teanum and brought them to an agreement on the
following terms: That the consuls should exercise their office in the manner
of the fathers and not be hindered by the triumvirs; that the land should be
assigned only to those who fought at Philippi; that of the money derived
from confiscated property, and of the value of that which was still to be
sold, Antony's soldiers in Italy should have an equal share; that neither
Antony nor Octavius should draw soldiers from Italy by conscription
hereafter; that two of Antony's legions should serve with Octavius in the
campaign against Pompeius; that the passes of the Alps should be opened to
the forces sent by Octavius into Spain, and that Asinius Pollio should not
further interfere with them; that Lucius should be satisfied with those
conditions, should dispense with his body-guard, and administer his office
fearlessly. Such was the agreement which they made with each other through
the influence of the officers of the army. Of these only the two last were
carried into effect, and Salvidienus crossed the Alps unhindered.
12
[
21]
As the other conditions were not carried into effect, or were delayed, Lucius
departed to Præneste, saying that he was in fear of Octavius, who,
by virtue of his office, had a guard, while he (Lucius) was unprotected.
Fulvia went there to meet Lucius, saying now that she had fears for her
children on account of Lepidus. She used him for a pretext this time instead
of Octavius. Both of them wrote these things to Antony, and friends were
sent to him with the letters, who were to give him particulars about each
complaint. Although I have searched, I have not been able to find any clear
account of what Antony wrote in reply. The officers of the armies bound
themselves by an oath to act as umpires again between their magistrates, to
decide what was right, and to coerce whichever should refuse to obey the
decision; and they summoned Lucius and his friends to attend for this
purpose. These refused to come, and Octavius reproached them in invidious
terms to the officers of the army and in the presence of the optimates of
Rome. The latter hastened to Lucius and implored him to have pity on the
city and on Italy, torn by the civil wars, and to accept the arbitration of
themselves, or of the officers, whatever the decision might be.
13
[
22]
Although Lucius had respect for the speakers and for what they said, Manius
boldly declared that while Antony was doing nothing but collecting money
from foreigners, Octavius was, by his favors, preoccupying the affections of
the army and the desirable places in Italy; that in fraud of Antony he had
freed Cisalpine Gaul, which had previously been given to Antony; that he had
assigned to the soldiers almost the whole of Italy instead of the eighteen
cities; that, instead of the twenty-eight legions that had participated in
the battle, he had admitted thirty-four to a share of the lands and also of
the money from the temples, which he had collected on the pretext of
fighting Pompeius, against whom he had done nothing as yet, although the
city was oppressed by famine; that he had distributed this money in order to
curry favor with the soldiers, to the prejudice of Antony, and that the
property of the proscribed had been not so much sold as given to the
soldiers outright; and, finally, that if he really wanted peace he should
give his reasons for what he had already done, and for the future do only
what should be agreed upon in common. Thus arrogantly did Manius proclaim
his views, implying that Octavius could not do anything by his own authority
and that his agreement with Antony was of no validity, although it provided
that each should have absolute power over the affairs committed to him, and
that each should ratify what was done by the other. When Octavius saw that
they were everywhere preparing for war, he made similar preparations on his
own side.
[
23]
Two legions of the army which had been colonized at Ancona and which had
served under the elder Cæsar and under Antony, hearing of their
respective preparations for war, and being moved by friendship for each of
them, sent ambassadors to Rome to beseech them both to come to an agreement.
Octavius replied that he was not making war against Antony, but that Lucius
was making war against him. The ambassadors then united with the officers of
this army in a common embassy to Lucius asking him to submit his controversy
with Octavius to a tribunal; and they made it plain what they would do if he
should not accept the decision. Lucius and his friends accepted the
proposal, and fixed the place for the trial at Gabii, a city midway between
Rome and Præneste. A council-chamber was prepared for the
arbiters, and two platforms for the speakers in the centre, as in a regular
trial. Octavius, who arrived first, sent some horsemen along the road by
which Lucius was to come, in order to find out whether any stratagem was
discoverable. These met certain horsemen of Lucius, either his advance guard
or men spying like the others, and as the two parties came into collision
some of them were killed. Lucius retreated, saying that he was afraid of
being entrapped, and, although recalled by the officers of the army, who
promised to escort him, he could not be persuaded to come again.
[
24]
Thus the negotiations came to nothing, and Octavius and Lucius resolved upon
war and issued proclamations full of bitterness against each other. The army
of Lucius consisted of six legions of infantry, which he commanded by virtue
of his consulship, and eleven others belonging to Antony, which were under
the command of Calenus. These were all in Italy. Octavius had four legions
at Capua and some prætorian cohorts about his person. Salvidienus
was leading six other legions to Spain.
14 Lucius had supplies of money
from Antony's provinces where peace prevailed. War was raging in all the
provinces that had fallen to the lot of Octavius except Sardinia, for which
reason he borrowed money from the temples, promising to return it with
thanks -- from the Capitoline temple at Rome, from those of Antium, of
Lanuvium, of Nemus, and of Tibur, in which cities there are to-day the most
abundant stores of consecrated money.
[
25]
The affairs of Octavius were in disorder outside of Italy also. Pompeius, by
reason of the proscription, the colonizing of the soldiers, and the
dissensions with Lucius, had gained much in reputation and power. Those who
feared for their safety, or had been despoiled of their property, or who
utterly abhorred the form of government, mostly went and joined him. Young
men, also, eager for military service for the sake of gain, and who thought
that it made no difference under whom they served, since all service was
Roman service, rather preferred to join Pompeius as representing the better
cause. He had become rich by sea-robbery and had a numerous fleet and a full
complement of men. Murcus joined him with two legions of soldiers, 500
archers, a large sum of money, and eighty ships. He also sent after the
other army
15 from Cephalenia. Accordingly, some
persons think that if Pompeius had then invaded Italy, which was afflicted
with famine and civil strife, and was looking for him, he might have
mastered it. But Pompeius lacked wisdom. His idea was not to invade, but
only to defend, and this he did till he failed of that also.
[
26]
In Africa Sextius, Antony's lieutenant, had just delivered his army, in
pursuance of an order from Lucius, to Fango, a lieutenant of Octavius. He
was ordered to resume the command, and as Fango would not relinquish it he
collected a force composed of retired veterans, a miscellaneous crowd of
Africans, and auxiliaries of the native princes, and made war on him. Fango,
having been defeated on both wings and having lost his camp, thought that he
had been betrayed, and committed suicide; and Sextius again became master of
the two African provinces. Bocchus, king of Mauritania, at the instance of
Lucius, made war on Carinas, who was Octavius' procurator in Spain.
Ahenobarbus, who was patrolling the Adriatic with seventy ships, two legions
of soldiers, and a force of archers and slingers, light-armed troops and
gladiators, devastated the regions subject to the triumvirs. He sailed
against Brundusium, captured some of the triremes of Octavius, burned
others, shut the inhabitants up in their walls, and plundered their
territory.
[
27]
Octavius sent a legion of soldiers to Brundusium and hastily recalled
Salvidienus from his march to Spain. Both Octavius and Lucius sent
recruiting officers through-out Italy, who had skirmishes with each other of
more or less importance, and frequent ambuscades. The good-will of the
Italians was of great service to Lucius, as they believed that he was
fighting for them against the new colonies. Not only the cities that had
been designated for the army, but almost the whole of Italy, rose, fearing
like treatment. They drove out of the towns, or killed, those who were
borrowing money from the temples for Octavius, manned their walls, and
joined Lucius. On the other hand, the colonized soldiers joined Octavius.
Each one in both parties took sides as though this were his own war.
[
28]
Though these events were taking place, Octavius, nevertheless, convoked the
Senate and the equestrian order and addressed them as follows: "I know very
well that I am accused by Lucius and his friends of weakness and want of
courage because I do not fight them, and that I shall be still further
accused on account of my calling you together. I have strong forces who have
suffered wrong in common with me, both those who have been dispossessed of
their colonies by Lucius and the others whom I have in hand. I am strong in
all respects except only in the purpose to fight. I am not fond of fighting
in civil wars except under dire necessity, or of wasting the remainder of
our citizens in conflicts with each other; least of all in this civil war,
whose horrors will be announced to us not from Macedonia or Thrace, but will
take place in Italy itself, which, if it becomes the field of battle, must
suffer countless evils in addition to the loss of life. For these reasons I
hesitate. And now I protest that I have done Antony no wrong. Nor have I
suffered any wrong from him. I beseech you to reason with Lucius and his
friends on your own account, and to bring them to a reconciliation with me.
If you cannot now persuade them, I shall presently show them that I have
hitherto been moved by good-will, not by cowardice. I ask you to be
witnesses for me not only among yourselves, but also to Antony, and to
sustain me on account of the arrogance of Lucius."
[
29]
So spake Octavius. Thereupon some of his hearers went again to
Præneste. Lucius said to them merely, that both sides had already
begun hostilities, that Octavius was practising deception; for he had lately
sent a legion to Brundusium to prevent Antony from coming home. Manius
showed a letter of Antony's, either true or fictitious, saying that they
should fight if anybody assailed his dignity. When the senators asked if
anybody had assailed Antony's dignity, and urged Manius to submit that
question to trial, he indulged in many other quibbles till they went away
without transacting their business. Nor did they collectively bring any
answer to Octavius, either because they had communicated it each for
himself, or because they were ashamed, or for some other reason. The war
broke out and Octavius set forth to take part in it, leaving Lepidus with
two legions to guard Rome. Most of the optimates then showed, by joining
Lucius, that they were not pleased with the rule of the triumvirs.
CHAPTER IV
War begun -- Lucius declares his Intention to restore the Republic --
Lucius seeks to intercept Salvidienus -- Is prevented by Agrippa --
Lucius is besieged in Perusia -- He there awaits Reënforcements
-- His Reënforcements cut off -- Lucius makes a Sally, and is
driven back -- Lucius' Lieutenants fail to assist him -- Famine in
Perusia -- No Food allowed to Slaves -- Lucius attempts to break out --
Lucius defeated after desperate Fighting -- He begins to entertain
Thoughts of Surrender
[
30]
The following were the principal events of the war. A sedition broke out in
two of Lucius' legions at Alba, which expelled their commanding officers and
started to revolt. Both Octavius and Lucius hastened to them. Lucius arrived
there first and kept them by a large donative and great promises. While
Furnius was bringing a reënforcement to Lucius, Octavius fell upon
his rear guard. Furnius took refuge on a hill and withdrew by night to
Sentia, a city of his own faction. Octavius did not dare to follow by night,
suspecting an ambush, but the next day he laid siege to Sentia and Furnius'
camp together. Lucius, who was hastening toward Rome, sent forward three
cohorts, which effected an entrance into the city clandestinely by night. He
followed with his main army and some cavalry and gladiators. Nonius, who had
charge of the gates, admitted him, and handed over to him the forces under
his own command. Lepidus fled to Octavius. Lucius made a speech to the
citizens, saying that he should visit punishment upon Octavius and Lepidus
for their lawless rule, and that his brother would voluntarily resign his
share of it and accept the consulship, exchanging an unlawful magistracy for
a lawful one, and establishing the government of their fathers in place of a
tyranny.
[
31]
All were delighted with this speech, and thought that the government of the
triumvirs was already ended. Lucius was saluted as imperator by the people.
He marched against Octavius, and collected a fresh army from the cities
colonized by Antony's soldiers, and strengthened their fortifications. These
colonies were well affected toward Antony. Barbatius, a quæstor of
Antony, who had had some difficulty with him and was returning home for that
reason, said, in answer to inquiries, that Antony was displeased with those
who were making war on Octavius to the prejudice of their common sway;
whereupon some, who were not aware of the deception practised by Barbatius,
changed sides from Lucius to Octavius. Lucius put himself in the way of
Salvidienus, who was returning to Octavius with a large army from Gaul.
Asinius and Ventidius, Antony's generals, were following Salvidienus to
prevent him from advancing. Agrippa, who was the closest friend of Octavius,
fearing lest Salvidienus should be surrounded, seized Sutrium, a stronghold
very useful to Lucius, expecting that Lucius would turn from Salvidienus
against himself, and that Salvidienus, who would then be in the rear of
Lucius, would assist him (Agrippa). It all turned out as Agrippa had
anticipated. So Lucius, having failed of his undertaking, marched to join
Asinius and Ventidius. Salvidienus and Agrippa harassed him on both sides,
watching especially for an opportunity to catch him in the defiles.
[
32]
When Lucius perceived their design he did not dare to come to an engagement
with both of them closing in upon him. So he turned aside to Perusia,
16 a
strongly fortified city, and encamped near it, to wait there for Ventidius.
Agrippa, Salvidienus, and Octavius advanced against him and against Perusia
and enclosed them with three armies, and Octavius summoned
reënforcements in haste from all directions, as against the vital
point of the war, where he had Lucius surrounded. He sent others forward to
hold in check the forces of Ventidius, who were approaching. The latter,
however, hesitated on their own account to advance, as they did not
altogether approve of the war and did not know what Antony thought about it,
and on account of mutual rivalry were unwilling to yield to each other the
military chieftainship. Lucius did not go out to battle with the forces
surrounding him, because they were better and more numerous and well
drilled, while his were for the most part new levies; nor did he resume his
march, for so many enemies were on his flanks. He sent Manius to Ventidius
and Asinius to hasten them to the
AGRIPPA
Museum of the Louvre (Duruy)
aid of the besieged, and he sent Tisienus with 4000 horse to pillage the
enemy's supplies, in order to force him to raise the siege. Lucius entered
within the walls of Perusia so that he might winter in a strong place, if
necessary, until Ventidius and Asinius should arrive.
[
33]
Octavius, with all haste and with his whole army, drew a line of
circumvallation around Perusia fifty-six stades in circuit, on account of
the hill on which it was situated; he extended long arms to the Tiber, so
that nothing could be introduced into the place. Lucius built a similar line
of countervallation, thus fortifying the foot of the hill. Fulvia urged
Ventidius, Asinius, Ateius, and Calenus to hasten from Gaul to the
assistance of Lucius, and collected reënforcements, which she sent
to Lucius under the lead of Plancus. Plancus destroyed one of Octavius'
legions, which was on the march to Rome. While Asinius and Ventidius were
proceeding, at the instance of Fulvia and Manius, to the relief of Lucius
(but with hesitation and doubt as to Antony's preference), in order to raise
the blockade, Octavius and Agrippa, leaving a guard at Perusia, threw
themselves in the way. The former, who had not yet formed a junction with
each other and were not proceeding with much alacrity, retreated, -- Asinius
to Ravenna and Ventidius to Ariminum. Plancus took refuge in Spoletium.
Octavius stationed a force in front of each, to prevent them from forming a
junction, and returned to Perusia, where he speedily strengthened his
investment of the place and doubled the depth and width of his ditch to the
dimensions of thirty feet each way. He increased the height of his wall and
built 1500 wooden towers on it, sixty feet apart.
He had also strong redoubts and every other kind of intrenchment, with
double front, to besiege those within and to repel assaults from without.
While these works were under construction there were frequent sorties and
fights, in which the forces of Octavius had the advantage in the use of
missiles, and the gladiators of Lucius were better at hand-to-hand fighting.
So these killed many at close quarters.
[
34]
When the work of Octavius was finished famine fastened upon Lucius, and the
evil grew more pressing, since neither he nor the city had made preparations
before-hand.
17 Knowing this fact Octavius kept the most vigilant
watch. On the day preceding the Calends of January, Lucius thought to avail
himself of the holiday, under the belief that the enemy would be off their
guard, to make a sally by night against their gates, hoping to break through
them and bring in his other forces, of which he had abundance in many
places. But the legion that was lying in wait near by, and Octavius himself
with some prætorian cohorts, attacked him, and Lucius, although he
fought valiantly, was driven back. About the same time the mass of the
people in Rome openly denounced the war and the victory, because the grain
was kept under guard for the soldiers. They broke into houses in search of
food, and carried off whatever they could find.
[
35]
Ventidius and his friends, ashamed to look on while Lucius was perishing of
hunger, all moved to his support, intending to overpower the forces
surrounding and besieging him. Agrippa and Salvidienus went to meet them
with still larger forces. Fearing lest they should be surrounded, they
diverged to the stronghold of Fulginium,
18 distant 160 stades from Perusia.
There Agrippa besieged them, and they lighted fires as signals to Lucius.
Ventidius and Asinius were of the opinion that they should go forward and
fight, but Plancus said that, as they were between Octavius and Agrippa,
they had best await events. The opinion of Plancus prevailed. Those in
Perusia were rejoiced when they saw the fires, but when Ventidius delayed
his coming they conjectured that he, too, was in difficulties, and when the
fires ceased they thought that he had been destroyed. Lucius, oppressed by
hunger, again fought a night battle, extending from the first watch till
daylight, around the whole circumvallation; but he failed and was driven
back into Perusia. There he took an account of the remaining provisions, and
forbade the giving of any to the slaves, and prohibited them from escaping,
lest the enemy should gain better knowledge of his desperate situation. The
slaves wandered about in crowds, threw themselves upon the ground in the
city, and between the city and their forts, and ate grass or green leaves
wherever they
could find them. Those who died Lucius
buried in long trenches, lest, if he burned them, the enemy should discover
what was taking place, and, if they were unburied, disease should result
from the poisonous exhalations.
[
36]
As no end of the famine, or of the deaths, could be discerned, the soldiers
became restive under the condition of affairs, and implored Lucius to make
another attempt upon the enemy's works, believing that they could break
through them completely. He approved of their ardor, saying, "In our recent
battle we did not fight in a way corresponding to our present necessity. Now
we must either surrender, or, if that seems worse than death, we must fight
to the death." All assented eagerly, and, in order that no one should have
the night for an excuse, they demanded to be led out by daylight. Lucius
marched out at dawn. He took an abundance of iron tools, for wall fighting,
and ladders of every form. He carried machines for filling the ditches, and
folding towers from which planks could be thrown to the walls; also all
kinds of missiles and stones and wickerwork to be thrown upon the palisades.
They made a violent assault, filled up the ditch, scaled the palisades, and
advanced to the walls, which some of them undermined, while others applied
the ladders, and others simultaneously moved up the towers and defended
themselves with stones, arrows, and leaden balls, with absolute contempt of
death. This was done at many different places, and the enemy being drawn in
many different directions made a more feeble resistance.
19
[
37]
The planks having been thrown upon the walls at some places, the struggle
became very hazardous, for the forces of Lucius fighting on bridges were
exposed to missiles and javelins on every side. They forced their way,
nevertheless, and a few leaped over the wall. Others followed, and they
would speedily have accomplished something important in their desperation
had not the fact become known to Octavius that they had not many such
machines, and had not the best of his reserves been brought to the
assistance of the tired men. These fresh troops flung the assailants down
from the walls, broke their machines in pieces, and hurled missiles upon
them contemptuously from above. Their enemy, although their shields and
bodies were pierced and even their voices had failed, held their ground
bravely. When the corpses of those who had been killed on the wall were
stripped and thrown down among them, they could not bear the indignity, but
turned away from the spectacle and stood for a moment undecided, like
athletes taking a breathing-spell in the gymnastic games. Lucius had pity on
them in this condition and sounded a retreat. Then the troops of Octavius
joyfully clashed their arms as for a victory, whereupon those of Lucius were
roused to anger and again seized their ladders (although they had no more
towers), and carried them to the walls with desperation. Yet they did not do
any harm to the enemy, for they could not. Lucius ran among them and
besought them to sacrifice their lives no longer, and led them back groaning
and reluctant.
[
38]
This was the end of this hotly contested siege. In order that the enemy might
not make another attempt on his works, Octavius stationed a part of his
army, that was held in reserve, alongside the fortifications, and instructed
others in other places to leap upon the wall at the sound of the trumpet.
Although no one urged them on, they went through this exercise continually,
in order to become familiar with it, and to inspire the enemy with fear. The
troops of Lucius began to grow down-hearted, and, as usually happens in such
cases, the guards relaxed their vigilance, and thus desertion became more
frequent, not only of the common soldiers, but, in some cases, of the higher
officers also. And now Lucius inclined toward peace, out of pity for the
perishing multitude, but the fears of some of the enemies of Octavius for
their own safety still restrained him. But as Octavius was observed to treat
the deserters kindly, and the desire for peace increased among all, Lucius
began to fear lest, if he refused, he should be delivered up.
CHAPTER V
Lucius addresses his Soldiers on the Subject of Surrender -- Sends Envoys
to Octavius -- Makes a Personal Visit to Octavius -- What Lucius said to
him -- Lucius surrenders unconditionally -- Reply of Octavius -- The
Soldiers of the Two Armies embrace each other -- Octavius pardons Lucius
and all except a Few Leaders -- Perusia destroyed by Fire
[
39]
Accordingly, having made a sort of test which gave him encouragement, Lucius
called his army together and spoke as follows: "It was my intention,
fellow-soldiers, to restore the republic to you when I saw that the
government of the triumvirs was a tyranny, which was established, indeed, on
the pretext of combating Brutus and Cassius, but was not relaxed after their
death. Lepidus had been deprived of his share of the government, Antony was
far away collecting money, and this one man was managing everything
according to his own will, and the ancient system of Roman government was
only a pretence and a laughing-stock. With the intention of reverting to the
freedom and democratic government of our ancestors, I asked that after the
rewards of victory had been distributed the monarchy should be dissolved.
When my request was not granted, I sought to enforce it by virtue of my
office. Octavius falsely accused me, before the army, of obstructing the
colonies out of pity for the landowners. I was ignorant of this slander for
a long time, and even when I learned of it I did not suppose that anybody
could believe it, when one saw that the colony officers were men assigned by
my very self to divide the lands among you. But the calumny misled some
people, who joined Octavius in order to make war against us as they think.
But eventually they will find that they have been warring against their own
interests. I affirm that you have chosen the better cause, and that you have
suffered for it beyond your strength. We are vanquished, not by our enemies,
but by hunger, to which we have been left a prey by our own generals.
20 It would be becoming in me to fight to the last
extremity for my country. Such an end would make my fame glorious after my
high purposes. To that destiny I do not submit, for the sake of you, whom I
prefer to my own fame. I will send to the conqueror and beg that he will
inflict such punishment as he chooses upon me alone, in place of all of you;
that he will grant amnesty, not to me, but to you, his fellow-citizens and
formerly his soldiers, who are not now in the wrong, who are not fighting
without good cause, and are vanquished, not by war, but by hunger."
[
40]
After speaking thus he at once selected three men from the optimates for this
mission. The multitude wept, some on their own account, some on account of
their general, who appeared to them to have been actuated by the most
excellent and democratic purpose, and who now yielded to extreme necessity.
The three envoys, when admitted to the presence of Octavius, reminded him
that the soldiers on both sides were all of one race, and that they had made
campaigns together. They called to mind the friendship of the nobility on
either side and also the virtue of their ancestors, who did not allow their
differences to become irreconcilable. They advanced other like arguments
which were calculated to prevail with him. Octavius, knowing that some of
the enemy were still raw recruits, while others were colonized veterans,
replied artfully that he would grant amnesty to Antony's soldiers out of
regard for him, but that the others must surrender at discretion. This he
said in the presence of all, but, taking aside Furnius, one of the three, he
led him to expect mild treatment for Lucius and the rest, except his own
personal enemies.
[
41]
These personal enemies of Octavius, having learned of Furnius' private
interview and suspecting that it related to themselves, reproached him when
he came back, and demanded of Lucius either that he should ask a new treaty,
which should include all alike, or fight to the death, saying that this had
not been a private war for any individual, but a public one in behalf of the
country. Lucius in pity commended them as men of the same rank as himself,
and said that he would send another embassy. Then he added that no one was
better fitted for this task than himself, and went immediately without a
herald, merely preceded by some persons who went in advance to announce to
Octavius his coming. The latter at once advanced to meet him. There they saw
each other surrounded by their friends and distinguished by the standards
and military equipment of generals on either side. Then Lucius, dismissing
his friends, went forward with two lictors only, showing his state of mind
by his outward appearance. Octavius understood and imitated his example,
showing his intended good-will toward Lucius. When he saw the latter
hastening to pass inside his fortification, indicating thereby that he had
already surrendered, Octavius anticipated him and went outside the
fortification in order that Lucius might still be free to consult and decide
concerning his own interests. Thus as they moved forward they foreshadowed
their intentions to each other in advance, by their retinue and their
outward appearance.
[
42]
When they came to the ditch they saluted each other, and Lucius said: "If I
were a foreigner waging war against you, Octavius, I should consider it
disgraceful to be vanquished in this way and still more disgraceful to
surrender, and I should have for myself an easy means of deliverance from
such humiliation. Since I have been contending with a countryman, my equal
in rank, in a matter appertaining to our common country, I do not consider
it disgraceful to be beaten in such a cause by such a man. This I say not to
deprecate any suffering that you may choose to inflict upon me (for you see
that I have come to your camp without any guarantee), but to ask for others
such pardon as may be just, and conducive to your own interests. That I may
make this clear to you it is necessary to separate their cause from mine, so
that, when you know that I am the only one to blame, you may visit your
wrath upon me, and not think that I have come here to bandy words (that
would be inopportune), but to tell the truth, for it is not in my power to
speak otherwise.
[
43]
"I undertook this war against you, not in order to succeed to the leadership
by destroying you, but to restore to the country the patrician government
which had been subverted by the triumvirate, as not even yourself will deny.
For when you created the triumvirate you acknowledged that it was not in
accordance with law, but you established it as something necessary and
temporary because Cassius and Brutus were still alive and you could not be
reconciled to them. When they, who had been the head of the faction, were
dead, and the remainder, if there were any left, were bearing arms, not
against the state, but because they feared you, and moreover the five years'
term was running out, I demanded that the magistracies should be revived in
accordance with the customs of our fathers, not even preferring my brother
to my country, but hoping to persuade him to assent upon his return and
hastening to bring this about during my own term of office. If you had begun
this reform you alone would have reaped the glory. Since I was not able to
persuade you, I thought to march against the city and to use force, being a
citizen, a nobleman, and a consul. These are the causes of the war I waged
and these alone; not my brother, nor Manius, nor Fulvia, nor the
colonization of those who fought at Philippi, nor pity for the cultivators
who were deprived of their holdings, since I myself appointed the leaders of
colonies to my brother's legions who deprived the cultivators of their
possessions and divided them among the soldiers. Yet you brought this charge
against me before the soldiers, shifting the cause of the war from yourself
to the land distribution, and in this way chiefly you drew them to your side
and overcame me, for they were persuaded that I was warring against them,
and that they were defending themselves against my wrong-doing. You
certainly needed to use artifice in the war you were waging. Now that you
have conquered, if you are the enemy of the country you must consider me
your enemy also, since I wished what I thought was for her advantage, but
was prevented by famine from accomplishing it.
[
44]
"While I say these things I surrender myself to you, as I have already
declared, to do with me whatever you wish. I came here alone merely to show
what I have thought of you heretofore and what I still think. So much for
myself. Concerning my friends and my whole army, if you will not discredit
my words, I will give you some advice for your own best interests, and that
is, that you inflict no severity upon them on account of the quarrel between
you and me. As you are a mortal and in the hands of fortune, which is always
fickle, do not deter those who might be willing to incur danger for you in
hazardous or trying times hereafter, by teaching them that under your rules
there is no hope of safety except for the victors. Even if all advice from
an enemy is suspected or untrustworthy, I would not hesitate to implore you
not to punish my friends for my fault and my ill fortune, but to put the
whole punishment on me, who am alone to blame. I purposely left my friends
behind so that I might not seem, by using these words in their presence, to
be securing favor for myself in an underhand way."
[
45]
After Lucius had thus spoken he relapsed into silence, and Octavius said:
"When I saw you, Lucius, approaching without any guarantee I hastened to
meet you while you were still outside my intrenchments, so that you might
even now be master of your own counsels and be able to say or do whatever
you should think best for your own interests. Since you deliver yourself to
me (as is customary to those who acknowledge that they are in the wrong), it
is not necessary that I should discuss the false accusations that you have
brought against me with so much art. You began by injuring me and you
continue to do so. If you were here negotiating a treaty, you would be
dealing with a victor whom you had wronged. Now that you surrender yourself
and your friends and your army without conditions, you take away not only
all resentment, but also the power which, under negotiations for a treaty,
you would necessarily have given me. There is involved in this question not
only what you and your friends ought to suffer, but what it is becoming in
me, as a just man, to do. I shall make the latter my chief consideration on
account of the gods, on my own account, and on yours, Lucius, and I shall
not disappoint the expectation with which you came to me." These things they
said to each other, as nearly as it is possible to gather the meaning of the
speakers from the Memoirs and translate it into our language.
21 They then separated, and Octavius eulogized and admired
Lucius because he had said nothing impolite or inconsiderate (as is usual in
adversity), and Lucius praised Octavius for his mildness and brevity of
speech. The others gathered the meaning of what had been said from the
countenances of the speakers.
[
46]
Lucius sent tribunes to receive the watchword for the army from Octavius.
They took the army roll to him, as it is still customary for the tribune who
asks for the watchword to deliver to the commander the daily register of the
number of troops present. After they had received the watchword they still
kept their outposts on duty, for Octavius himself ordered that each army
should keep its own guard that night. The next morning Octavius offered
sacrifice, and Lucius sent his soldiers to him bearing their arms, but
prepared for marching. They saluted Octavius as imperator while still at
some distance, and each legion took its separate position as Octavius had
directed, the colonized veterans being apart from the new levies. When
Octavius had finished the sacrifice he took his seat in front of the
tribunal, crowned with laurel, the symbol of victory, and ordered them all
to lay down their arms where they stood. When they had done so he ordered
the veterans to draw nearer, intending to reproach them for their
ingratitude and to strike terror into them. It was known beforehand what he
was about to do, and his own army, either purposely (as soldiers are often
advised beforehand), or moved by sympathy as for their own relatives, broke
from the formation in which they had been placed, crowded around Lucius' men
as they approached their former fellow-soldiers, embraced them, wept with
them, and implored Octavius in their behalf, and ceased not crying out and
embracing them, the new levies sharing in the outburst of feeling, so that
it was impossible to distinguish or discriminate between them.
[
47]
For this reason Octavius did not persist in his intention, but, after
appeasing the tumult with difficulty, addressed his own men as follows: "You
have always behaved in such a way to me, fellow-soldiers, that you can ask
nothing from me in vain. I think that the new levies served Lucius under
compulsion. I intended to ask the old soldiers, who have often served with
us and who are now saved from punishment by you, what they have suffered at
our hands, or what favor they have asked in vain, or what greater favors
they expected from anybody else, that they have taken up arms against me,
against you, against them-selves. All the trouble I have met with has grown
out of the division of the lands, in which they had their share. And now if
you will permit me I will ask them these questions." They would not allow
him to do so, but continued their beseeching. "I grant what you wish," he
said. "They are dismissed without punishment for their wrongdoing, provided
they will hereafter be like-minded with you." They promised on both sides
with acclamations and thanks to Octavius, who allowed some of his own men to
entertain some of their men as guests. He ordered the remainder to pitch
their tents where they had been stationed, at a certain distance from the
others, until he should assign them towns for winter quarters and appoint
persons to lead them thither.
[
48]
Then, seated on his tribunal, Octavius summoned from Perusia Lucius and the
Romans of responsibility who were with him. Many of the senators and knights
came down, all presenting a pitiful appearance by reason of their sudden
change of fortune. As soon as they passed out of Perusia a guard was
stationed around it. When they reached the tribunal Octavius placed Lucius
by his own side. Of the rest, some were taken in charge by the friends of
Octavius, others by centurions, all of whom had been instructed beforehand
to show them honor and to keep watch upon them unobserved. He commanded
those Perusians to come forward who had stretched out their hands to him
from the walls, all except their town council, and as they presented
themselves he pardoned them. The councillors were thrown into prison and
soon afterward put to death, except Lucius Æmilius, who had sat as
a judge at Rome in the trial of the murderers of Cæsar, who had
voted openly for condemnation, and had advised all the others to do the same
in order to expiate the guilt.
[
49]
Octavius intended to turn Perusia itself over to the soldiers for plunder,
but Cestius, one of the citizens, who was somewhat out of his mind, who had
fought in Macedonia and for that reason called himself the Macedonian, set
fire to his house and plunged into the flames. A strong wind fanned the
conflagration and drove it over the whole of Perusia, which was entirely
consumed, except the temple of Vulcan. Such was the end of Perusia, a city
renowned for its antiquity and importance. It is said that it was one of the
first twelve cities built by the Etruscans in Italy in the olden time. For
this reason the worship of Juno prevailed there, as among the Etruscans
generally. But thereafter those who shared among themselves the remains of
the city took Vulcan for their tutelary deity instead of Juno. On the
following day Octavius made peace with all of them, but the soldiers did not
desist from tumults against some of them until the latter were killed. These
were chiefly the personal enemies of Octavius, namely, Canutius, Gaius
Flavius, Clodius Bithynicus, and others. Such was the conclusion of the
siege of Lucius in Perusia, and thus came to an end a war which had promised
to be long-continued and most grievous to Italy.
22
CHAPTER VI
The Armies of Asinius, Plancus, and Ventidius -- Octavius gains
Possession of the Army of Calenus -- Antony's Wife and Mother join him
at Athens -- Octavius begins to suspect Antony -- He holds a
Conversation on the Subject with Lucius -- Antony sets Sail for Italy --
Meets Ahenobarbus in the Adriatic -- Antony arrives at Brundusium and
lays Siege to it -- Octavius marches thither -- Antony sends to
Macedonia to bring his Army -- The Soldiers of the Two Armies fraternize
-- Death of Fulvia
[
50]
Now Asinius, Plancus, Ventidius, Crassus, Ateius, and the others of that
party, who had forces not to be despised, numbering about thirteen legions
of disciplined
LIVIA AS PRIESTESS OF AUGUSTUS
From Pompeii, in the Museum at Naples
troops and upward of 6500 horse, considering Lucius the chief actor in the
war, retired to the sea-coast by various routes, some to Brundusium, some to
Ravenna, some to Tarentum, some to Murcus and Ahenobarbus, and still others
to Antony. The friends of Octavius followed them, offering terms of peace,
and harassing those who refused, especially the infantry. From among them
only two legions, belonging to Plancus, who were intercepted at Cameria,
were persuaded by Agrippa to desert to him. Fulvia fled with her children to
Dicæarchia,
23 and thence to Brundusium, with 3000 horse,
who were sent with her by the generals as an escort. At Brundusium there
were five war-ships which had been sent for from Macedonia, and she embarked
and put to sea, accompanied by Plancus, who abandoned the remains of his
army through cowardice. These soldiers chose Ventidius as their commander.
Asinius drew over Ahenobarbus to the side of Antony. Both Asinius and
Ventidius wrote these facts to Antony, and they prepared landing-places, in
expectation of his early arrival, and stores of provisions throughout Italy.
[
51]
Octavius was planning to get possession of another considerable army
belonging to Antony, that was under the command of Fufius Calenus near the
Alps. He already had suspicions of Antony, and he hoped, if the latter
remained friendly, to preserve these forces for him, or, if war should break
out, to add this large force to his own strength. While he was still
delaying and looking around for a fair-seeming occasion, Calenus died.
Octavius, believing that he had found a good excuse for both transactions,
went and took possession of the army and of Gaul and Spain besides, which
were Antony's provinces.
24 Fufius, the son of Calenus, was
terrified, and delivered everything over to him without a fight. Octavius,
having acquired eleven legions of soldiers and these large provinces by one
stroke, dismissed the chief officers from their commands, substituted his
own, and returned to Rome.
[
52]
As it was still winter, Antony retained the deputies of the colonized
veterans, who had been sent to him, and concealed his intentions. In the
spring he set out from Alexandria and proceeded by land to Tyre, and thence
by sea, touching at Cyprus and Rhodes, to the province of Asia. There he
learned of the doings at Perusia and he blamed his brother and Fulvia, and,
most of all, Manius. He found Fulvia at Athens, whither she had fled from
Brundusium. His mother, Julia, who had fled to Pompeius, had been sent
thither by him from Sicily with warships, and escorted by some of the
optimates of his party, by Lucius Libo, his father-in-law, by Saturninus and
others, who, being attracted by Antony's capacity for great deeds, sought to
bring him into friendly relations with Pompeius and to form an alliance
between them against Octavius. Antony replied that he thanked Pompeius for
sending his mother and that he would requite him for the service in due
time; that if there should be a war with Octavius he would ally himself with
Pompeius, but that if Octavius should adhere to their agreements he would
endeavor to reconcile him with Pompeius. Such was his answer.
[
53]
When Octavius returned from Gaul to Rome he heard about those who had set
sail for Athens. Not knowing exactly what answer Antony had given them, he
began to excite the colonized soldiers against the latter, representing that
Antony intended to bring back Pompeius with the owners of the lands which
the soldiers now held, for most of the owners had taken refuge with
Pompeius. Although this cause of irritation was plausible, the soldiers
would not even then take up arms against Antony with any zeal, the
reputation he had gained at Philippi having made him popular. Octavius
considered himself far superior to Antony, to Pompeius, and to Ahenobarbus
in the number of troops, as he now had more than forty legions, but as he
had no ships and no time to make any, while they had 500, he feared lest
they should bring famine upon Italy by patrolling the coast. While
meditating on those things, and while he had the choice of many virgins in
marriage, he wrote to Mæcenas to make an engagement for him with
Scribonia,
25
the sister of Libo, the father-in-law of Pompeius, so that he might have the
means of coming to an arrangement with the latter if need be. When Libo
heard of this he wrote to his family that they should betroth her to
Octavius without delay. Then Octavius, on various pretexts, sent away, to
this place and that, such of Antony's friends and soldiers as he could not
trust, and he sent Lepidus to Africa, the province assigned to him, and with
him the six of Antony's legions who were under suspicion.
[
54]
Then he summoned Lucius to his presence and praised him for his attachment to
his brother, because he had taken the blame upon himself while carrying out
Antony's wishes, but reproached him with ingratitude if, after meeting such
a favor from himself, he should now refuse to confess concerning the aims of
Antony, who was said to have formed an alliance openly with Pompeius.
"Having confidence in you," he said, "when Calenus died I took charge of his
provinces and army through my friends for Antony, so that they might not be
without a head, but now that the plot is unveiled I shall keep them all for
myself, and if you wish to go to your brother I will allow you to do so
fearlessly." He spoke thus, either to test Lucius or in order that what he
said might reach Antony. Lucius replied in the same spirit as before,
saying, "I knew that Fulvia was in favor of the monarchy, but I joined with
her and made use of my brother's soldiers to overthrow all of you. And now
if my brother should come to dissolve the monarchy I would go to join him,
either openly or secretly, and would fight you again in behalf of the
country, although you have been a benefactor to me. If he seeks allies to
assist him in maintaining the tyranny, I will fight on your side against him
as long as I think that you are not trying to establish a monarchy. I shall
always set my country above gratitude and above family." So spake Lucius.
Octavius, holding him in the same admiration as recently [at Perusia], said
that he did not wish to incite him against his brother, but that he would
intrust to Lucius, because he was what he was, the whole of Spain, and the
army in it, which were now under the command of his lieutenants,
Peducæus and Lucius.
26 So Octavius dismissed Lucius with
honor, but kept a secret watch upon him by means of his lieutenants.
[
55]
Antony left Fulvia ill at Sicyon, and set sail from Corcyra into the
Adriatic
27 with an
inconsiderable army and 200 ships that he had built in Asia. Antony learned
that Ahenobarbus was coming to meet him with a fleet and a large number of
soldiers. Then some of Antony's friends thought that it was not safe to
trust to the agreement exchanged between them, since Ahenobarbus had been
condemned at the trial of Cæsar's murderers, and had been placed
on the list of the proscribed, and had fought against Antony and Octavius at
the time of the battle of Philippi.
28 Nevertheless, Antony advanced with five of his best
ships in order to seem to have confidence in Ahenobarbus, and he ordered the
others to follow at a certain distance. When Ahenobarbus was observed coming
forward, rowing swiftly, with his whole army and fleet, Plancus, who was
standing by the side of Antony, was alarmed and advised him to check his
course and send a few men forward to make a test, as to a man whose
intentions were doubtful. Antony replied that he would rather die by a
breach of the treaty than to be saved by an appearance of cowardice, and
continued his course. Now they were drawing near, and the vessels which bore
the chiefs were distinguishable by their ensigns and approached each other.
Antony's first lictor, who stood on the prow as was customary, either
forgetful that Ahenobarbus was a man of doubtful purpose, and that he was
leading his own forces, or moved by a lofty spirit as though he were meeting
subject or inferior men, ordered them to lower their flag. They did so, and
laid their ship alongside of Antony's. When the two commanders saw each
other they exchanged greetings, and the army of Ahenobarbus saluted Antony
as imperator. Plancus recovered his courage with difficulty. Antony received
Ahenobarbus in his own ship and sailed to Palœis,
29 where Ahenobarbus had his infantry, and here he
yielded his tent to Antony.
[
56]
From thence they sailed to Brundusium, which was garrisoned by five cohorts
of Octavius' troops. The citizens closed their gates against Ahenobarbus, as
an old enemy, and against Antony, as one introducing an enemy. Antony was
indignant. Considering this a pretence, and that he was in fact shut out by
Octavius' garrison at the latter's instance, he drew a ditch and palisade
across the isthmus that connects the town with the mainland. The city is
situated on a peninsula which fronts a crescent-shaped harbor. Now the
people coming from the mainland could no longer reach the rising ground on
which the city stands, as it had been cut off and walled in. Antony also
surrounded the harbor, which is large, and the islands in it, with towers
planted closely together. He sent forces along the coasts of Italy, whom he
ordered to seize the advantageous positions. He called upon Pompeius to move
against Italy with his fleet and to do whatever he could. Pompeius, with
alacrity, despatched Menodorus with a numerous fleet and four legions of
soldiers, who seized Sardinia, which belonged to Octavius, and two legions
in it, who were panic-stricken at this agreement between Pompeius and
Antony. In Italy Antony's men captured the town of Sipuntum of Ausonia.
30 Pompeius besieged Thurii and Consentia and ravaged their
territory with his cavalry.
[
57]
Octavius, attacked so suddenly and in so many places, sent Agrippa into
Ausonia to succor the distressed inhabitants. Agrippa called out the
colonized veterans along the road, and they followed at a certain interval,
supposing that they were moving against Pompeius, but when they learned that
what had happened had been done at Antony's instance, they turned around and
went back secretly. Octavius was greatly alarmed by this. Nevertheless,
while marching to Brundusium with another army he again fell in with the
colonized veterans, and interceded with them, and prevailed upon those who
had been colonized by himself to follow him. They were ashamed to refuse,
but they had the secret intention to bring Antony and Octavius into harmony
with each other, and if Antony should refuse and should go to war, then to
defend Octavius. The latter was detained some days at Canusium by sickness.
Although his forces considerably outnumbered those of Antony, he found
Brundusium walled in, and he could do nothing but encamp alongside of it and
await events.
[
58]
Antony was enabled by means of his intrenchments to defend himself easily,
although he was much inferior in numbers. He summoned his army from
Macedonia in haste, and in the meantime he resorted to the stratagem of
sending war-ships and merchant vessels to sea by night secretly with a
multitude of private citizens on board, which returned, one after another,
the next day, in sight of Octavius, bearing armed men, as though they had
just come from Macedonia. Antony had his machines already prepared and was
about to attack the Brundusians, to the great chagrin of Octavius, since he
was not able to defend them. Toward evening the news reached both armies
that Agrippa had captured Sipuntum and that Pompeius had been repulsed from
Thurii, but was still besieging Consentia. Antony was disturbed by this
news. When it was announced that Servilius was coming to the assistance of
Octavius with 1500 horse, Antony could not
restrain his rage, but sprang up from supper, and, with such friends as he
could find ready and with 400 horse, he pressed forward with the utmost
intrepidity, and fell upon the 1500, who were
still asleep near the town of Uria, threw them into a panic, captured them
without a fight, and returned to Brundusium the same day. Thus did the
reputation that Antony had gained at Philippi as an invincible man still
inspire terror.
[
59]
Antony's prætorian cohorts, proud of his prestige, approached the
camp of Octavius in groups and reproached their former comrades for coming
hither to fight Antony, to whom they all owed their safety at Philippi. When
the latter replied that the others had come making war against themselves,
they fell to arguing and brought charges against each other. Antony's men
said that Brundusium had been closed against him and that Calenus' troops
had been taken from him. The others spoke of the investment and siege of
Brundusium, the invasion of Southern Italy, the agreement with Ahenobarbus,
one of Cæsar's murderers, and the treaty with Pompeius, their
common enemy. Finally Octavius' men revealed their purpose to the others,
saying that they had come with Octavius, not because they were forgetful of
Antony's merits, but with the intention of bringing them to an agreement,
or, if Antony refused and continued the war, of defending Octavius against
him. These things they openly said also when they approached Antony's works.
While these events 'were in progress the news came that Fulvia was dead. It
was said that she was dispirited by Antony's reproaches and fell sick; and
it was thought that she had become a willing victim of disease on account of
the anger of Antony, who had left her while she was sick and had not visited
her even when he was going away. The death of this turbulent woman, who had
stirred up so disastrous a war on account of her jealousy of Cleopatra,
seemed extremely fortunate to both of the parties who were rid of her.
Nevertheless, Antony was much saddened by this event because he considered
himself in some sense the cause of it.
CHAPTER VII
The Mediation of Lucius Cocceius between Antony and Octavius -- Interview
between Cocceius and Octavius -- Cocceius argues for Antony's Rectitude
-- Octavius writes to Antony's Mother -- Antony and Octavius reconciled
-- They make a New Partition of the World -- Antony marries Octavia
[
60]
There was a certain Lucius Cocceius, a friend of both, who had been sent, in
company with Cæcina, by Octavius, the previous summer, to Antony
in Phœnicia, and had remained with Antony after Cæcina
returned. This Cocceius, seizing his opportunity, pretended that he had been
sent for by Octavius for the purpose of a friendly greeting. When Antony
allowed him to go he asked, by way of testing his disposition, whether
Antony would like to write any letter to Octavius which he could convey.
Antony replied: "What can we write to each other, now that we are enemies,
except mutual recrimination? I wrote letters in reply to his of some time
ago, which I sent by the hand of Cæcina. Take copies of those if
you like." This he said by way of jest, but Cocceius would not yet allow him
to call Octavius an enemy after his generous behavior toward Lucius and
Antony's other friends. But Antony replied: " He has shut me out of
Brundusium and taken my provinces and the army of Calenus from me. He is
kind only to my friends, and evidently not to keep them friendly, but to
make them enemies to me by his benefactions." Cocceius, after hearing these
complaints, did not care to irritate further a naturally passionate
disposition, but proceeded to make his visit to Octavius.
[
61]
When Octavius saw him he expressed astonishment that he had not come sooner.
"I did not save your brother," he exclaimed, "in order that you should be my
enemy."
31
Cocceius replied, "How is it that you, who make friends out of enemies, call
your friends enemies and take from them their armies and provinces?" "It was
not fitting," replied Octavius, "that after the death of Calenus such large
resources should be left in the hands of such a stripling as Calenus' son
while Antony was still far distant. Lucius was excited to frenzy by them and
Asinius and Ahenobarbus, who were near by, were about to use them against
us. So, too, I took sudden possession of the legions of Plancus, in order
that they might not join the Pompeians. His cavalry have actually gone to
Sicily." "These matters have been told differently," said Cocceius; "but
Antony did not credit the statements made to him until he was shut out of
Brundusium as an enemy." "I gave no order on that subject," replied
Octavius, "nor did I know beforehand that he was coming, nor did I
anticipate that he would come here with enemies. The Brundusians themselves
and the præfect, who had been left with them on account of the
raids of Ahenobarbus, of their own motion excluded Antony, who was in league
with the common enemy, Pompeius, and was bringing in Ahenobarbus, one of my
father's murderers, who has been condemned by vote of the Senate, by
judgment of the court, and by the proscription, who besieged Brundusium
after the battle of Philippi, and is still blockading the Adriatic coast,
who has burned my ships and plundered Italy."
[
62]
"But it was agreed between you," said Cocceius, "that you might treat with
whomsoever you chose. Yet Antony has not made a treaty with any of the
murderers, and he holds your father in no less honor than you do.
Ahenobarbus was not one of the murderers. The vote was cast against him on
account of personal animosity, for he had no share whatever in the plots of
those days.
32 If we consider him unpardonable because
he was a friend of Brutus, are we not in a fair way to be bitter against
almost everybody? Antony made an agreement with Pompeius, not to make an
aggressive war with him, but either to secure his help in case of an attack
by you, or to bring him into good relations with you, since he has done
nothing which should make him irreconcilable. You are the one to blame for
these things, for if there had been no war in Italy those men would not have
ventured to send ambassadors to Antony." Octavius repeated his accusations,
saying, " Manius and Fulvia and Lucius brought war against Italy, and
against me as well as Italy; and Pompeius, who did not attack before, now
makes descents upon the coast, encouraged by Antony." Cocceius replied, "Not
encouraged by Antony, but directed by him; for I will not conceal from you
the fact that the rest of Italy, which is destitute of naval defences, will
be attacked by a powerful fleet unless you agree to peace." Octavius, who
gave due weight to this artful suggestion, reflected a moment, and then
said, "But Pompeius will have the worst of it. He has just been repulsed
from Thurii as he deserves." Then Cocceius, having gone over the whole
controversy, led the conversation up to the death of Fulvia and the manner
of it, saying that she fell sick because she could not bear the anger of
Antony and wasted away with grief because he would not see her when she was
ill, and that he was in a manner the cause of his wife's death. "Now that
she is dead," he continued, "it only remains for you to tell each other
frankly what your suspicions are."
[
63]
In this way Cocceius won the confidence of Octavius and passed the day as his
guest, and begged him to write to Antony as the younger man to the older.
Octavius said that he would not write to one who was still waging war
against him, because Antony had not written to him, but that he would make
complaint to Antony's mother, because, although a relative and held in the
highest honor by Octavius,
33 she had
fled from Italy, as though she could not have obtained everything from him
as from her own son. This was his artful way of opening a correspondence
OCTAVIA
Cameo owned by M. le Baron Roger (Duruy)
by writing to Julia. As Cocceius was going away from the camp many of the
higher officers advised him of the purpose of the army, and he communicated
this and other things he had learned to Antony, so that he might know that
they would fight against him because he did not come to an agreement. So he
advised Antony that Pompeius should be called back from his ravaging to
Sicily, and that Ahenobarbus should be sent somewhither until a treaty of
peace should be made. Antony's mother besought him to the same purpose, for
she belonged to the Julian gens. Antony apprehended that
if the negotiations should fail he would be put to the shame of calling on
Pompeius for assistance again, but his mother encouraged him to believe that
they would not fail, and Cocceius confirmed her, intimating that he knew
more than he had told. So Antony yielded, and ordered Pompeius back to
Sicily, implying that he would take care of their mutual concerns, and sent
Ahenobarbus away as governor of Bithynia.
[
64]
When Octavius' soldiers learned these facts they chose deputies and sent the
same ones to both commanders. They took no notice of accusations because
they had been chosen, not to decide a controve sy, but to restore peace.
Cocceius was added to their number as she common friend of both, together
with Pollio from" Antony's party and Mæcenas from that of
Octavius. It was determined that there should be amnesty between Antony and
Octavius for the past and friendship for the future. Moreover, as Marcellus,
the husband of Octavius' sister Octavia, had recently died, the umpires
decided that her brother should betroth her to Antony, which he did
immediately. Then Antony and Octavius embraced each other. Thereupon shouts
went up from the soldiers and congratulations were offered to each of the
generals, without intermission, through the entire day and night.
[
65]
Now Octavius and Antony made a fresh partition of the whole Roman empire
between themselves, the boundary line being Scodra, a city of Illyria which
was supposed to be situated about midway up the Adriatic gulf.
34
All provinces aid islands east of this place, as far as the river Euphrates,
were to belong to Antony and all west of it to the ocean to Octavius.
Lepidus was to govern Africa, as Octavius had given it to him. Octavius was
to make war against Pompeius unless they should come to some agreement, and
Antony was to make war against the Parthians to avenge their treachery
toward Crassus. Octavius was to make the same agreement with Ahenobarbus
that Antony had already made. Both of them might freely enlist soldiers in
Italy in equal numbers. These were the last conditions of peace between
Octavius and Antony. Straightway each of them sent his friends to attend to
urgent business. Antony despatched Ventidius to Asia against the Parthians
and against Labienus, the son of Labienus, who, with the Parthians, had made
a hostile incursion into Syria and had advanced as far as Ionia during the
late troubles.
35 What Labienus and the Parthians did and suffered I
will show in my Parthian history.
[
66]
In the meantime Helenus, a lieutenant of Octavius, who had repossessed
Sardinia by a sudden onset, was driven out again by Menodorus, the
lieutenant of Pompeius. Octavius was so exasperated by this that he rejected
Antony's endeavors to bring him to an agreement with Pompeius. They
proceeded to Rome together and celebrated the marriage. Antony put Manius to
death because he had excited Fulvia by his accusations against Cleopatra and
had been the cause of so many evils. He also revealed to Octavius the fact
that Salvidienus, who was in command of Octavius' army on the Rhone, had had
the intention of deserting him, and had sent word to that effect to Antony
while he was besieging Brundusium. This secret Antony revealed, not with
universal approbation, but because of his frankness and eagerness to show
his good-will. Octavius instantly summoned Salvidienus to Rome, pretending
that he had some private communication to make to him, and that he should
send him back to the army. When he came Octavius confronted him with proofs
of his treachery and put him to death, and gave his army to Antony, as he
considered it untrustworthy.
CHAPTER VIII
Sextus Pompeius cuts off the Supply of Corn -- Famine in Rome -- Riot in
the Forum -- Octavius is stoned by the Mob and rescued by Antony --
Negotiations with Sextus Pompeius -- Sextus puts Murcus to Death --
Sextus goes to Puteoli, and has a Conference with Antony and Octavius --
They come to an Agreement -- Banquets on Shipboard and on Shore -- Great
Rejoicing at Rome -- Antony returns to the East -- Spends the Winter in
Athens
[
67]
Now famine fell upon Rome, since the merchants of the Orient could not put to
sea for fear of Pompeius, who controlled Sicily, and those of the west were
deterred by Sardinia and Corsica, which the lieutenants of Pompeius held,
while those of Africa opposite were prevented by the same hostile fleets,
which infested both shores. There was great dearness of provisions, and the
people considered the cause of it to be the strife between the chiefs, and
cried out against them and urged them to make peace with Pompeius. As
Octavius would by no means yield, Antony advised him to hasten the war on
account of the scarcity. As there was no money for this purpose, an edict
was published that the owners of slaves should pay a tax for each one, equal
to one-half of the twenty-five drachmas that had been ordained for the war
against Brutus and Cassius, and that those who acquired property by legacies
should contribute a share thereof. The people tore down the edict with fury.
They were exasperated that, after exhausting the public treasury, stripping
the provinces, burdening Italy itself with contributions, taxes, and
confiscations, not for foreign war, not for extending the empire, but for
private enmities and to add to their own power (for which reason the
proscriptions and this terrible famine had come about), the triumvirs should
deprive them of the remainder of their property. They banded together, with
loud cries, and stoned those who did not join them, and threatened to
plunder and burn their houses, until the whole populace was aroused.
[
68]
Octavius with his friends and a few attendants came into the forum intending
to intercede with the people and to show the unreasonableness of their
complaints. As soon as he made his appearance they stoned him unmercifully,
and they were not ashamed when they saw him enduring this treatment
patiently, and offering himself to it, and even bleeding from wounds. When
Antony learned what was going on he came with haste to his assistance. When
the people saw him coming down the Via Sacra they did not throw stones at
him, since he was in favor of a treaty with Pompeius, but they told him to
go away. When he refused to do so they stoned him also. He called in a
larger force of troops, who were outside the walls. As the people would not
allow him to pass through, the soldiers divided right and left on either
side of the street and the forum, and made their attack from the narrow
lane, striking down those whom they met. The people could no longer find
ready escape on account of the crowd, nor was there any way out of the
forum. There was a scene of slaughter and wounds, while shrieks and groans
sounded from the housetops. Antony made his way into the forum with
difficulty, and snatched Octavius from the most manifest danger, in which he
then was, and brought him safe to his house.
36 The mob having
been dispersed, the corpses were thrown into the river in order to avoid a
shocking spectacle. It was a fresh cause of lamentation to see them floating
down the stream, and the soldiers stripping them, and certain miscreants, as
well as the soldiers, carrying off the clothing of the better class as their
own property. This insurrection was suppressed, but with terror and hatred
for the triumvirs. The famine grew worse. The people groaned, but did not
stir.
[
69]
Antony suggested to the relatives of Libo that they
should
summon him from Sicily for the purpose of congratulating his
brother-in-law,
37 and to
accomplish something more important; and he promised him a safe-conduct. His
relatives wrote promptly and Pompeius acquiesced. Libo, on his arrival, cast
anchor at the isle of Pithecusa, which is now called Ænaria.
38 When the
people learned this, they assembled together again and besought Octavius
with tears to send letters of safeguard to Libo, who desired to negotiate
with him for peace. He did so reluctantly. The people also threatened to
burn Mucia, the mother of Pompeius, with her house, if she did not
communicate with her son in the interest of peace. When Libo perceived that
his enemies were on the point of yielding, he demanded that the leaders
themselves should come together in order to make such concessions to each
other as they could agree upon. The people compelled them to this course,
and, accordingly, Octavius and Antony went to Baiæ.
[
70]
All the friends of Pompeius urged him with one accord to make peace, except
Menodorus, who wrote to him from Sardinia either to prosecute the war
vigorously or still to procrastinate, because famine was fighting for them,
and he would thus get better terms if he should decide to make peace.
Menodorus also advised him to distrust Murcus, who opposed these views,
intimating that he was seeking power for himself. Pompeius, who had been
vexed with Murcus lately on account of his high position and his
stubbornness, became still more averse to him for this reason, and held no
communication with him whatever, until, finally, Murcus retired in disgust
to Syracuse. Here he saw some of Pompeius' guards following him, and he
expressed his opinion of Pompeius to them freely. Then Pompeius bribed a
tribune and a centurion of Murcus, and induced them to kill him and to say
that he had been murdered by slaves. To give credibility to this falsehood
he crucified the slaves. But he did not succeed in concealing this crime, --
the next one committed by him after the murder of Bithynicus, -- Murcus
having been a man distinguished for his warlike deeds, who had been strongly
attached to that party from the beginning, and had rendered great assistance
to Pompeius in Spain, and had joined him in Sicily voluntarily. Such was the
death of Murcus.
[
71]
His other friends urged Pompeius to make peace, and they accused Menodorus of
fondness of power and as opposing peace not so much from good-will to his
master
39 as from a desire to command an army and a
province. Pompeius yielded and set sail for Ænaria with a large
number of his best ships, having embarked himself on a magnificent one with
six banks of oars. In this style, toward evening, he sailed proudly past
Puteoli in sight of his enemies. Early in the morning two sets of piles were
driven in the sea a short distance apart, and planks were placed upon them.
Upon the platform nearest the shore Octavius and Antony took their places,
while Pompeius and Libo occupied the seaward one, a small space of water
separating them, but not preventing them from hearing each other without
shouting. As Pompeius thought that he had come in order to be admitted to a
share of the government in place of Lepidus, while the others would concede
nothing but his recall from exile, they separated for the time without
accomplishing anything. Nevertheless, negotiations were continued on the
part of friends, who advanced various proposals from one side to the other.
Pompeius demanded that, of the proscripts and the men with him, those who
had participated in the murder of Gaius Cæsar should be allowed a
safe place of exile, and the rest an honorable recall to their homes, and
that the property they had lost should be restored to them. Urged on by the
famine and by the people to an agreement, Octavius and Antony reluctantly
conceded a fourth part of this property, promising to buy it from the
present holders. They wrote to this effect to the proscripts themselves,
hoping that this would satisfy them. The latter accepted all the terms, for
they already had apprehensions of Pompeius on account of his crime against
Murcus. So they gathered around Pompeius and besought him to come to an
agreement. Pompeius rent his garments, declaring that he had been betrayed
by those for whom he had fought, and he frequently invoked the name of
Menodorus as his most competent officer and his only friend.
[
72]
Finally, at the instance of his mother, Mucia, and of his wife, Julia, again
the three men (Octavius, Antony, and Pompeius) came together on the mole of
Puteoli, washed by the waves on both sides, and with ships moored around it
as guards. Here they came to an agreement on the following terms: That the
war should cease on both land and sea, and that commerce should be
everywhere unmolested; that Pompeius should remove his garrisons from Italy
and no longer afford a refuge to fugitive slaves; that he should not assail
with his fleet the Italian coast, but should govern Sardinia, Sicily, and
Corsica, and any other islands then in his possession, as long as Antony and
Octavius should hold sway over the other countries; that he should send to
Rome the corn that had been previously required as tribute from those
islands, and that he might have Peloponnesus in addition; that he might hold
the consulship in his absence through any friend he might choose, and be
inscribed as a member of the priesthood of the first rank. Such were the
conditions accorded to Pompeius himself. Members of the nobility who were
still in exile were allowed to return, except those who had been condemned
by vote of the Senate and judgment of court for participation in the murder
of Gaius Cæsar. The property of those who had fled merely from
fear, and whose goods had been seized by violence, should all be restored
except movables. Proscripts should receive one fourth part of theirs. Slaves
who had served in the army of Pompeius should be free, and free persons who
had thus served should, upon their discharge, receive the same rewards as
those who had served under Octavius and Antony.
[
73]
Such were the terms of the treaty, to which they attached their names and
seals and sent it to Rome to be placed in the custody of the Vestal virgins.
Then they entertained each other, casting lots to determine the order of the
ceremony. The first banquet took place on Pompeius' six-banked ship, moored
alongside the mole. On succeeding days Antony and Octavius gave banquets in
tents pitched on the mole, on the pretext that thus all might participate,
but perhaps really for their better security and to quiet apprehensions; for
they did not even then neglect precautions. Their ships were moored
alongside and guards were stationed around them, and the banqueters were
girded with concealed daggers. It is said that, while the three were
feasting in the ship, Menodorus sent a message to Pompeius advising him to
entrap these men and avenge the wrongs of his father and his brother, and to
avail himself of this most favorable occasion to resume the sway that his
father had exercised, saying that he, with his own ships, would take care
that nobody should escape; but that Pompeius replied, in a manner worthy of
his family and his position, "Would that Menodorus had done this without my
knowledge. False swearing may become Menodorus, but not Pompeius."
40 At this banquet the
daughter of Pompeius and granddaughter of Libo was betrothed to Marcellus,
the stepson of Antony and nephew of Octavius. On the following day they
designated the consuls for the next four years, viz., for the first year
Antony and Libo, Antony being privileged to substitute whomsoever he liked
in his own place; next Octavius and Pompeius; next Ahenobarbus and Sossius;
and, finally, Antony and Octavius again; and as they would then have been
consuls the third time it was expected that they would restore the
government to the people.
[
74]
Having finished this business they separated, Pompeius
SEXTUS POMPEIUS
Museum of the Louvre (Duruy)
going to Sicily by sea, Octavius and Antony to Rome by land. When the Romans
and Italians learned the news 3 there was universal rejoicing at the return
of peace and at their deliverance from intestine war, from the conscription
of their sons, from the arrogance of guards, from the running away of
slaves, from the pillage of fields, from the ruin of agriculture, and, above
all, from the famine that had pressed upon them with the greatest severity.
As the triumvirs were proceeding on their journey sacrifices were offered in
their honor as to saviours. The city would have given them a magnificent
reception, had they not entered secretly by night in order to avoid
jealousies. The only ones disappointed were those to whom had been allotted
lands belonging to men who were to be restored with Pompeius. They thought
that they should have irreconcilable enemies dwelling alongside of them as
landlords, who would do them injury whenever they could. The exiles who were
with Pompeius, all but a few, took leave of him at Puteoli and set sail for
Rome. Their coming was to the people a new source of joy and acclamations,
so great a number of illustrious men having been unexpectedly saved from
death.
[
75]
After these events Octavius set forth on an expedition to Gaul, which was in
a disturbed state, and Antony started for the war against the Parthians. The
Senate having voted to ratify all that he had done or should do, Antony
again despatched his lieutenants in all directions and arranged everything
else as he wished. He set up kings here and there as he pleased, on
condition of their paying a prescribed tribute: in Pontus, Darius, the son
of Pharnaces and grandson of Mithridates; in Idumea and Samaria, Herod; in
Pisidia, Amyntas; in a part of Cilicia, Polemon, and others in other
countries. Desiring to enrich as well as to exercise the soldiers, who were
to go with him into winter quarters, he sent some of them against the
Partheni, an Illyrian tribe near Epidamnus, who had been very much attached
to Brutus; others against the Dardani, another Illyrian tribe, who were
forever making.incursions into Macedonia. Others he ordered to remain in
Epirus, in order to have them all within reach, as he intended to pass the
winter himself in Athens. He sent Furnius to Africa to bring four legions,
that were under the command of Sestius, for service against the Parthians.
He did not know as yet that Lepidus had deprived Sestius of the command of
these troops.
[
76]
Having made these dispositions, he spent the winter at Athens with Octavia
just as he had spent the previous one at Alexandria with Cleopatra, merely
looking over the reports sent from the army, exchanging the display of a
commander for the simplicity of private life, wearing the square-cut pallium
and the Attic shoe, and without formal company. He went out, in like manner,
without the insignia of office, accompanied by two friends and two
attendants, to the discussions and lectures of the public teachers. He took
his meals in the Greek fashion, passed his leisure time with Greeks, and
enjoyed their festivals in company with Octavia, with whom he was very much
in love, being
by nature excessively fond of women. At the end of the
winter he
was like another man. He changed his clothing, and with his clothing his
whole appearance. There was straightway a crowd around his doors composed of
lictors, army officers, guards, and all things that inspire terror and awe.
Embassies were received which had previously been kept waiting by his
orders, lawsuits were decided, ships were launched, and all other
preparations for the campaign were put in motion.
CHAPTER IX
Peace broken between Sextus and Octavius -- Antony returns to Brundusium
-- Defection of Menodorus -- He delivers Sardinia and Corsica to
Octavius -- Octavius makes war against Sextus -- Sea-Fight at
Cumæ between Menodorus and Menecrates -- Menodorus wounded and
Menecrates killed -- The Fleet of Octavius worsted -- A Second Victory
for Pompeius -- Octavius driven ashore and retreats to the Mountains
[
77]
While Antony was thus occupied the treaty existing beween Octavius and
Pompeius was broken for other reasons, as was suspected, than those avowed
by Octavius, which were the following: Antony had ceded Peloponnesus to
Pompeius on condition that the tribute then due from the Peloponnesians
should either be given over at once, or that it should be guaranteed by
Pompeius to Antony, or that the former should wait till the collection had
been made. Pompeius had not accepted it on these conditions. He thought that
it had been given to him with the amount of tribute then due. Vexed, as
Octavius said, whether at this state of things, or from his general
faithlessness, or his jealousy because the others had large armies, or
because Menodorus had prompted him to consider the agreement as a truce
rather than a lasting peace, he began to build ships, and recruit crews, and
once harangued his soldiers, telling them they must be prepared for
everything. Private robbery again infested the sea, and there was little or
no relief from the famine among the Romans, who cried out that the treaty
had brought no deliverance from their sufferings, but only a fourth partner
to the tyranny. Octavius having caught certain pirates and put them to
torture, they said that Pompeius had sent them out, and Octavius proclaimed
this to the people and wrote it to Pompeius himself, who disavowed it and
made a counter complaint respecting the Peloponnesus.
[
78]
Those of the nobility who were still with Pompeius, seeing him always under
the influence of his freedmen, bribed some of them, either for their own
purposes or to gratify Octavius, to incite their master against Menodorus,
who was still governing Corsica and Sardinia.
41
The freedmen did this gladly, because they were envious of the power of
Menodorus. In this way Pompeius was brought to an estrangement with
Menodorus. About the same time Philadelphus, a freedman of Octavius, made a
voyage to Menodorus to procure corn, and Micylio, the closest friend of
Menodorus, visited Octavius to arrange for the desertion of Menodorus. The
latter promised to hand over to him Sardinia, Corsica, three legions of
soldiers, and a large number of light-armed troops. Whether this was the
work of Philadelphus, or was a consequence of the calumnies against
Menodorus, which Pompeius had listened to, Octavius accepted the offer, not
immediately, but soon, since he considered the peace broken in fact. He
invited Antony to come from Athens and meet him at Brundusium on an
appointed day, in order to take counsel with him about the war. At the same
time he brought war-ships from Ravenna and an army from Gaul, and the
remainder of his apparatus, rapidly to Brundusium and Puteoli, intending to
sail from both sides of Italy to Sicily if Antony should agree in opinion
with him.
[
79]
Antony came at the appointed day with a small escort, but not finding
Octavius there he did not wait, either because he did not approve of the
war, considering it a violation of the treaty, or because he observed
Octavius' great preparations (for the desire to be the sole ruler did not
permit their fears to slumber at any time), or because he was alarmed by a
prodigy. 'It was found that one of the guards who slept around his tent had
been devoured by wild beasts except his face only, as though this had been
left for the purpose of recognition, and that he had uttered no cry, nor did
any of those who were asleep with him know of it. The Brundusians said that
a wolf had been seen just before daybreak running away from the tents.
Nevertheless Antony wrote to Octavius not to violate the treaty, and he
threatened Menodorus with punishment as his own fugitive slave; for the
latter had been the slave of Pompey the Great, whose property Antony had
bought when it was sold under the law of war.
[
80]
Octavius sent officers to receive Sardinia and Corsica, which Menodorus
turned over to them. He strengthened the Italian coast with numerous towers
to prevent Pompeius from raiding it again. He ordered the building of new
triremes at Rome and Ravenna, and he sent for a large army from Illyria.
When Menodorus came he made the latter a free citizen instead of a freedman,
and put him in command, under the admiral Calvisius, of the ships which he
had brought with him. When he had finished these preparations and brought
together a still larger amount of war material he yet delayed, and he
reproached Antony for not waiting. He ordered Cornificius to bring with him
to Tarentum everything that was now in readiness. While Cornificius was
making the voyage a storm overtook him which destroyed only the admiral's
ship, which had been built for Octavius himself. This was considered an omen
of what was to take place. As the belief still prevailed that this war was a
violation of the treaty, Octavius sought to dispel the suspicion. He wrote
to the city and he told his soldiers that Pompeius had violated the treaty
by encouraging piracy, that the pirates had confessed this, that Menodorus
had revealed the whole design, and that Antony knew it, and for that reason
had refused to give up the Peloponnesus.
[
81]
When all things were in readiness he set sail for Sicily, going himself from
Tarentum, while Calvisius, with Sabinus and Menodorus, sailed from Etruria.
The infantry was sent on the march to Rhegium and great haste was displayed
in all quarters. Pompeius had scarcely heard of the desertion of Menodorus
when Octavius was already moving against him. While the hostile fleets were
advancing from both sides, he awaited the attack of Octavius at Messana, and
ordered his freedman Menecrates, who was the bitterest enemy of Menodorus,
to advance against Calvisius and Menodorus with a large fleet. Menecrates
was observed by his enemies near nightfall on the open sea. They retired
into the bay near Cumæ, where they passed the night, Menecrates
proceeding to Ænaria. At daybreak they drew up their fleet, in the
form of a crescent, as close to the shore as possible, in order to prevent
the enemy from breaking through it. Menecrates again showed himself, and
immediately came on with a rush. As his enemies would not advance to the
open sea, and he could do nothing of importance there, he made a charge in
order to drive them upon the land. They beached their ships and fought back
against the attacking prows. Menecrates had the opportunity to draw off and
renew the attack as he pleased, and to bring up fresh ships by turns, while
the enemy were distressed by the rocks, on which they had grounded, and by
the inability to move. They were like infantry contending against sea
forces, unable either to pursue or retreat.
[
82]
In this situation Menodorus and Menecrates came in sight of each other; and,
abandoning the rest of the fight, drove against each other with fury and
shouting, as though they had staked the issue of the battle on this
encounter, whichever should be the victor. Their ships came into violent
collision and were badly damaged, Menodorus losing his prow and Menecrates
his oar-blades. Grapplingirons were thrown by both, and the ships, being
fastened together, could no longer manœuvre, but the men, as in a
battle on land, failed not in deeds of valor. Showers of javelins, stones,
and arrows were discharged, and bridges for boarding were thrown from one
ship to the other. As the ship of Menodorus was higher than the other his
bridges made a better passageway for his daring crew, and his missiles were
more effective for the same reason. Many men were already slain, and the
remainder wounded, when Menodorus was pierced in the arm with a dart, which
was, however, drawn out. Menecrates was struck in the thigh with a Spanish
javelin, made wholly of iron with numerous barbs, which could not be readily
extracted. Although Menecrates could no longer take part in the fight, he
remained there all the same, encouraging the others, until his ship was
captured, when he plunged into the depths of the sea. Menodorus towed the
captured ship to the land, but was able to do nothing more himself.
[
83]
This took place on the left wing of the naval fight. Calvisius directed his
course from the right to the left and cut off some of Menecrates' ships from
the main body, and when they fled pursued them to the open sea. Demochares,
who was a fellow-freedman of Menecrates and his lieutenant, fell upon the
remainder of Calvisius' ships, put some of them to flight, broke others in
pieces on the rocks, and set fire to them after the crews had abandoned
them. Finally Calvisius, returning from the pursuit, led back his own
fleeing ships and prevented the burning of any more. As night was
approaching, all returned to their former station. Such was the end of this
naval fight, in which the forces of Pompeius had much the best of it; but
Demochares, grieving over the death of Menecrates as the greatest possible
defeat (for those two, Menecrates and Menodorus, had been the foremost of
Pompeius' sea captains), abandoned everything
42 and sailed for Sicily
immediately, mediately, as though he had lost not merely the body of
Menecrates and one ship, but his whole, fleet.
[
84]
Calvisius, as long as he expected that Demochares would renew his attack,
remained at his station, unable to fight in the open sea, for his best ships
had been destroyed and the others were unfit for battle. When he learned
that his antagonist had gone to Sicily, he repaired his ships and coasted
along the shore exploring the bays. Octavius, in the meantime, proceeded
from Tarentum to Rhegium, with a large fleet and army, and near Messana came
up with Pompeius, who had forty ships only. Octavius' friends advised him to
improve this most favorable opportunity and attack Pompeius with his great
fleet, while the latter had so few ships and before the rest of his naval
force should arrive. He did not follow this advice, but waited for
Calvisius, saying that it was not good policy to run a risk when he was
expecting reinforcements. When Demochares arrived at Messana, Pompeius
appointed him and Apollophanes, another of his freedmen, admirals in place
of Menodorus and Menecrates.
[
85]
When Octavius heard of his disaster at Cumæ he sailed out of the
straits to meet Calvisius. After accomplishing the greater part of the
distance and while he was passing Stylis
43 and turning into Scyllæum, Pompeius darted out
of Messana and fell upon his rear, pushed on to his front, attacked him all
along the line, and challenged him to fight. Although beset in this way,
Octavius' fleet did not give battle, since Octavius did not permit it,
either because he feared to fight in the straits or because he adhered to
his first determination not to fight without Calvisius. He gave orders,
however, that all should hug the shore, cast anchor, and defend themselves
with their prows toward the enemy. Demochares,by setting two of his ships by
turns against one of the enemy's, threw them into confusion. They dashed
against the rocks and against each other, and began to fill with water. And
so these ships were lost, like those at Cumæ, without striking a
blow, being stuck fast and battered by the enemy, who had freedom of
movement to advance and retreat.
44
[
86]
Octavius leaped from his ship upon the rocks and pulled out of the water
those who swam ashore, and conducted them to the mountain above. However,
Cornificius and the other generals who were there, encouraged each other,
cut loose from their anchors without awaiting orders, and put to sea against
the enemy, thinking that it was better to be conquered fighting than to fall
unresisting before the blows of their assailants. First, with wonderful
audacity, Cornificius rammed the flag-ship of Demochares and captured it.
The latter leaped upon another vessel. Then, while the struggle and carnage
were in progress, Calvisius and Menodorus hove in sight, advancing from the
open sea, although they had not been observed by Octavius' men either from
the land or the water. The Pompeians, being farther out at sea, beheld them
first, and, when they saw them, retreated, for darkness was approaching,
and, fatigued as they were, they dared not encounter fresh men. This
conjuncture happened very opportunely for those who had just now been in
difficulties.
[
87]
At nightfall, those who had reached the shore from the ships took refuge on
the mountains and lighted numerous fires as signals to those who were still
on the sea, and there passed the night without food, uncared for, and in
want of everything. Octavius fared like the rest, and moved around exhorting
them to endure their privations till morning. While he was undergoing these
hardships it was not known that Calvisius had arrived, nor could anything
thing needful be obtained from the ships in their wrecked condition. But
good luck came to them from another quarter. The thirteenth legion was
approaching by way of the mountains, and, learning of the disaster and
judging of the road by the fire, they made their way through the crags. They
found their commander, and those who had taken refuge with him, suffering
from fatigue and want of food, and ministered to them, dividing the work,
some caring for some, others for others. The centurions brought their
commander into an improvised tent, as none of his body-servants were
present, these having been dispersed in the darkness and disorder. He sent
messengers in all directions forthwith, to announce that he was safe, and he
learned that Calvisius had arrived with the vanguard of his fleet; and, in
view of these two helpful and unexpected events, he allowed himself some
rest.
CHAPTER X
Terrible Storm in the Straits of Sicily -- Destruction of Octavius' Fleet
-- Great loss of Life -- Octavius retreats to Vibo -- Pompeius does not
pursue -- Octavius appeals to Antony for Aid -- Antony comes to his
Assistance with Three Hundred Ships -- Meeting of Octavius and Antony --
Antony returns to his Parthian Expedition -- Menodorus deserts to
Pompeius
[
88]
The next morning, when Octavius looked out upon the water, he beheld some of
his ships burned, others partly burned, others still burning, and others
broken in pieces; and the sea filled with sails, rudders, and furniture,
while, of the ships that were saved, the greater part were damaged. Having
ranged the fleet of Calvisius in front, he made repairs on those of his
vessels that most needed them, turning them on their sides,
45 the enemy meantime remaining quiet, either
because they feared Calvisius, or because they had decided to attack again
in the open sea. Thus they remained on either side until midday, when a
south wind burst upon them, raising violent billows in that surging and
confined channel. Pompeius was then inside the harbor of Messana. The ships
of Octavius were again shattered on the rough and inhospitable coast,
dashing against the rocks and against each other, for, as they were not
fully manned, they were not under good control.
[
89]
Menodorus, apprehending that this rising storm would increase in violence,
moved farther seaward and rode at anchor where, on account of the depth of
water, the waves were less boisterous; and even here he had recourse to hard
rowing to avoid being driven ashore. Some of the others followed his
example, but most of them, thinking that the wind would soon subside, as it
usually did in the springtime, moored themselves with anchors on either
side, landward and seaward, and thrust out poles to prevent collisions with
each other. As the wind grew more violent everything was thrown into
confusion. The ships collided, broke their anchors, and were upset on the
shore one after another. Cries of alarm and groans of pain were mingled
together, and exhortations that fell upon deaf ears. Orders could not be
heard. There was no distinction between pilot and common sailor. Knowledge
and authority were alike unavailing. The same destruction awaited those in
the ships and those who fell overboard, the latter being crushed by wind,
waves, and floating timber. The sea was full of sails, spars, and men,
living and dead. Those who sought to escape by swimming to land were dashed
against the rocks by the surf. When the convulsion seized the water,
46 as is usual in that strait, they
were terrified, being unaccustomed to it, and then their vessels were
whirled around and dashed against each other worse than ever. As night came
on the wind increased in fury, so that they perished no longer in the light
but in the darkness.
[
90]
Groans were heard throughout the entire night, and the cries of men running
along the shore and calling their friends and relatives upon the sea by
name, and mourning for them as lost when they could hear no responses; and
anon the cries of others lifting their heads above the waves and beseeching
aid from those on shore. Nothing' could be done on either land or water. Not
only was the sea inexorable to those engulfed in it, as well as to those
still in the ships, but the danger from the storm was almost as great on
land, lest the surf should dash them against the rocks. So distressed were
they by this unexampled tempest that those who were nearest the land feared
the land, yet could not get sufficient offing to avoid collision with each
other, for the narrowness of the place and its naturally difficult outlet,
together with the force of the waves, the rotary motion of the wind, caused
by the surrounding mountains, and the whirlpool of the deep, holding
everything in its grasp, allowed neither tarrying nor escape. The darkness
of a very black night added to their distress. And so they perished, no
longer even seeing each other, some uttering confused cries, others yielding
in silence, accepting their doom, some even hastening it, believing that
they were utterly lost. The disaster so far surpassed their experience that
it bereft them of the hope of saving themselves even by chance. Finally, at
the approach of daylight, the wind suddenly relaxed its force, and after
sunrise wholly died away; yet even then, although the storm had ceased, the
surges rolled a long time. The fury of the tempest surpassed the memory of
the oldest inhabitants. It was altogether unexampled, and the greater part
of Octavius' ships and men were destroyed by it.
[
91]
Octavius, who had lost heavily in the battle the previous day and had
sustained two severe calamities together, took the road in haste to Vibo
that same night, by way of the mountains, being unable to repair this
disaster, for which there was no help at hand. He wrote to all his friends
and generals to be on the alert lest a plot should be formed against him
here or there, as is liable to be the case when adversity comes. He
despatched the infantry he had with him to all points on the Italian coast,
lest Pompeius should be emboldened by his good luck even to invade the
mainland. But the latter had no thought of an expedition by land. He did not
even attack the ships that were left from the wreck, nor those that went
away after the storm had subsided. On the contrary, he paid no attention to
the enemy while they were tying their ships together with ropes as well as
they could, and sailing with a favorable wind to Vibo. He neglected them
either because he thought that the disaster was all-sufficient for him, or
because he did not know how to follow up a victory, or, as I have said
elsewhere, because he was altogether inefficient in attack and cared only to
defend himself against assailants.
[
92]
Less than half of Octavius' ships were saved, and these badly damaged. He
left certain officers in charge of them and proceeded to Campania much cast
down, for he had no other ships and he needed many; nor did he have time to
build them, pressed as he was by the famine and by the people, who were
again harassing him about a new treaty and mocking at the war as being in
violation of the old one. He needed money, but had none. The Romans were not
paying the taxes, nor would they allow the use of the revenues that he had
devised. But he was always clever at discovering what was for his advantage.
He sent
Mæcenas to Antony to change the mind of the latter respecting
the things about which they had lately had some
bickering, and to bring him to an alliance. If Mæcenas should not
succeed, he intended to embark his infantry on merchant vesels, cross over
to Sicily, abandon the sea, and wage war on land. While in this state of
dejection the news reached him that Antony had agreed to the alliance, and
he heard of a splendid victory over the Gauls of Aquitania, gained under the
leadership of Agrippa. His friends and certain cities also promised him
ships, and built them. Accordingly, Octavius cast off his despondency, and
made more formidable preparations than his previous ones.
[
93]
At the beginning of spring, Antony set sail from Athens to Tarentum with 300
ships to assist Octavius as he had promised. But the latter had changed his
mind and postponed his movement until his own ships should be finished. When
called upon again and told that Antony's forces were ready and sufficient,
he advanced other reasons for delay. It was evident that he was again
offended with Antony about something, or that he disdained his assistance
because his own resources were abundant. Antony was vexed, but he remained,
nevertheless, and communicated
with Octavius again, because the expense of his fleet
was
burdensome. Moreover, he needed Italian soldiers
for his war against the Parthians, and he contemplated exchanging his fleet
for a part of Octavius' army; for, although it was provided in their treaty
that each of them might recruit soldiers in Italy, it would be difficult for
him to do so when Italy had fallen to the lot of Octavius. Accordingly,
Octavia betook herself to her brother to act as mediator between them.
Octavius complained that he had been abandoned by Antony when he was
overtaken by danger in the straits. She replied that that had been explained
through Mæcenas. Octavius said that Antony had sent his freedman
Callias to Lepidus in Africa to induce the latter to make an alliance
against him. She replied that she knew that Callias had been sent to make
arrangements about a marriage, because Antony desired, before setting out on
his Parthian expedition, to marry his daughter to the son of Lepidus, as had
been agreed. After Octavia had made this statement Antony sent Callias to
Octavius with permission to put him to torture [in order to learn the
truth]. Octavius would not receive him, but said that he would go and have
an interview with Antony between Metapontum and Tarentum, at a place where
there is a river of the latter name between them.
47
[
94]
They both chanced to reach the river at the same time. Antony sprang down
from his chariot and leaped alone into one of the skiffs moored near by, and
rowed toward Octavius, showing confidence in him as a friend. When Octavius
saw this he followed the example. So they met in the stream and contended
with each other which of them should disembark on the other's bank. Octavius
prevailed because he was going to make a visit to Octavia at Tarentum. He
took a seat with Antony in the latter's chariot, and proceeded to his
lodgings at Tarentum unprotected, and passed the night there without guards.
On the following day Antony made the same exhibition of trust. Thus they
were continually changing from suspicion born of rivalry to confidence due
to their mutual needs.
[
95]
However, Octavius postponed his expedition against
Pompeius till the following year.
On account of the Parthian war Antony was not able to wait. Nevertheless,
they made an exchange with each other, Antony giving to Octavius 120 ships,
which he sent at once and delivered at Tarentum, in return for which
Octavius promised to send him 20,000 Italian legionaries. Octavia, begging
the favor from Antony, made her brother a present of ten three-banked
phaseli -- a combination of war-ship and merchant vessel -- and Octavius
gave her in return 1000 picked men as a body-guard, to be selected by
Antony. As the term of the triumvirate voted to them was about expiring,
they renewed it for five years without again asking the people. And so they
separated, Antony proceeding straightway to Syria and leaving Octavia with
her brother, and also a daughter already born to them.
[
96]
But Menodorus, -- either because he was an habitual traitor, or because he
feared the former threat of Antony, who had said that he would punish him as
a rebellious slave, or because he had received less consideration than he
had expected, or because the other freedmen of Pompeius were continually
reproaching him for unfaithfulness to his master and urging him to return,
-- now that Menecrates was dead, asked forgiveness, and, having obtained it,
deserted to Pompeius with seven ships, without the knowledge of Octavius'
admiral, Calvisius. For this reason Octavius dismissed the latter from his
command and appointed Agrippa in his place. When the fleet was ready,
Octavius performed a lustration for it in the following manner. Altars were
erected on the margin of the sea, and the multitude were ranged around them
in ships, observing the most profound silence. The priests who performed the
ceremony offered the sacrifice while standing at the water's edge, and
carried the expiatory offerings in skiffs three times around the fleet, the
general sailing with them, beseeching the gods to turn the bad omens against
the victims instead of the fleet. Then, dividing the entrails, they cast a
part of them into the sea, and put the remainder on the altars and burned
them, while the multitude chanted in unison. In this way the Romans perform
lustrations of the fleet.
CHAPTER XI
New Expedition against Sextus Pompeius -- Lepidus brings a Fleet from
Africa -- Another Storm damages Octavius' Ships and causes Delay-Sextus
fails to take Advantage of these Occurrences -- Menodorus turns Traitor
again -- Surrenders his Ships and himself to Octavius -- Disposition of
the Forces of Octavius -- Disaster to Lepidus on the Sea -- Agrippa
occupies the Island of Hiera -- He attacks the Pompeian Fleet, and wins
a Victory
[
97]
It was intended that Octavius should set sail from Puteoli, Lepidus from
Africa, and Taurus from Tarentum, to Sicily, in order to surround the enemy
at once, from the east, the west, and the south. The day of Octavius'
sailing had been previously communicated to all. It was the tenth day after
the summer solstice. This, in the Roman calendar, was the calends of the
month which, in honor of the first Cæsar, they call July instead
of Quintilis. Octavius fixed on this day, perhaps because he considered it
propitious on account of his father, who was always victorious. Pompeius
stationed Plennius at Lilybæum with one legion and a considerable
body of light-armed troops, to oppose Lepidus. He guarded the whole coast of
Sicily, both east and west, and especially the islands of Lipara and
Cossyra, lest they should become convenient harbors and naval stations for
Octavius and Lepidus against Sicily. The best part of his naval force he
kept together at Messana watching its chances. In this way they made their
preparations on either side.
[
98]
When the calends came they all set sail at daybreak, Lepidus from Africa with
1000 ships of burden, seventy war vessels, twelve legions of soldiers, 500
Numidian horse, and a great quantity of apparatus; Taurus from Tarentum with
only 102 of the 130 ships that Antony had left, since the oarsmen of the
remainder had perished during the winter. Octavius sailed from Puteoli,
offering sacrifices and pouring out libations from the admiral's ship into
the water to the propitious winds, and to Neptune, the guardian, and to the
tranquil sea, that they should be his assistants against his father's
enemies. Certain ships sent in advance made examination of the bays, and
Appius with a large squadron followed as a rear guard. On the third day
after their departure a south wind blew with violence and capsized a large
number of ships of burden belonging to Lepidus. Nevertheless, he reached the
Sicilian coast, laid siege to Plennius in Lilybæum, and got
possession of some towns by persuasion and others by force. When the wind
began to blow Taurus returned to Tarentum. While Appius was doubling the
promontory of Minerva, some of his ships were shattered against the rocks,
others ran with violence on the shoals, and the rest were dispersed, not
without injury. At the beginning of the storm, Octavius took refuge in the
sheltered bay of Elea, except one six-banked ship, which was wrecked on the
promontory. The south wind was succeeded by a southwester, which threw the
bay into commotion, as it opened toward the west. It was impossible to sail
out of the bay with the wind still ahead, nor could the ships be held by
oars or anchors. They crashed against each other or against the rocks, and
the confusion became worse confounded by night.
[
99]
When the tempest had subsided, Octavius buried the dead, cared for the
wounded, clothed those who had swum ashore and furnished them with new
weapons, and repaired his whole fleet with the means at his command. Six of
his heavy ships, twenty-six lighter ones, and a still larger number of
liburnicas had been destroyed. He was likely to consume nearly thirty days
in these repairs; and now the end of summer was approaching, for which
reason he deemed it best to postpone the war till the following summer, but
as the people were suffering from scarcity he drew his ships upon the land
and made his preparations rapidly, and sent the crews of the ships that he
had lost to fill the empty ones in the fleet of Taurus. In anticipation of
more serious misfortune he sent Mæcenas to Rome on account of
those who were still under the spell of the memory of Pompey the Great, for
the fame of that man had not yet lost its influence over them. Octavius
himself visited the new colonies throughout Italy and dispelled their fears,
which had been excited by the recent events. He also went to Tarentum and
inspected the naval force under Taurus. Thence he proceeded to Vibo, where
he encouraged his infantry and hastened the preparations of his fleet, the
time for his second invasion of Sicily being near at hand.
[
100]
Pompeius did not deign to seize the fine opportunity presented to him by so
many shipwrecks. He merely offered sacrifice to the sea and to Neptune,
assuming to call himself their son, and persuading himself that it was not
without the special act of Providence that his enemies had been twice
overwhelmed in this way in the summer months. It is said that he was so much
puffed up by these circumstances that he exchanged the purple cloak
customary to Roman commanders for a dark blue one, to signify that he was
the adopted son of Neptune. He hoped that Octavius would now desist from his
undertaking, but when he learned that the latter was building ships and was
about to renew the expedition against him that summer, he became alarmed at
finding himself at war with a man of such indomitable spirit and such
formidable preparations. He sent Menodorus, with the seven ships he had
brought, to reconnoitre the dockyards of Octavius and to do whatever damage
he could. Menodorus had been vexed for some time past because the naval
command had not been given to him, and he now perceived that he was
intrusted with only the ships that he had brought, because he was under
suspicion. So he plotted a new desertion.
[
101]
Conceiving that, however matters might turn out, he should first signalize
himself by some act of valor, he distributed among his companions all the
gold he had, and sailed, by rowing three days, accomplishing a distance of
1500 stades, and fell like a thunderbolt,
unperceived, on the vessels that were guarding Octavius' shipyards, and
darted away to an unseen place carrying off the guard-ships by twos and
threes. He also sunk, or captured, or burned some merchant vessels, laden
with corn, that were moored there or sailing along the coast. Everything was
thrown into confusion by this raid of Menodorus, both Octavius and Agrippa
being absent. The latter had gone away to procure timber. In a spirit of
bravado Menodorus ran his ship upon the soft ground, voluntarily and
contemptuously, and pretended to be stuck in the mud, until his enemies
dashed down from the mountains as to a certain prey, when he backed away,
laughing, and left the soldiers of Octavius the victims of both chagrin and
astonishment. When he had sufficiently shown what he was capable of, as
enemy or friend, he dismissed a senator whom he had taken prisoner, named
Rebillus, having a view already to the future.
[
102]
During his former desertion he had been a friend of Mindius Marcellus, one of
the companions of Octavius, and he now told his own men that Mindius had the
intention of betraying his party and deserting to that of Pompeius. Then he
drew near to the enemy and invited Mindius to go with him to a small island
in order to have a conference. When the latter came, and there was nobody
else within earshot, Menodorus said that he had gone back to Pompeius
because he was ill-treated by the admiral of those days, Calvisius, but that
since Agrippa had been appointed to the command of the fleet he would come
back to Octavius, who had done him no wrong, if Mindius would bring him a
safe-conduct from Messala, who was commanding in Agrippa's absence. He said
that on his return he would make amends for his fault by brilliant exploits,
but that until the safe-conduct arrived he should be obliged to harass the
forces of Octavius as before in order to avoid suspicion; and this he did.
Messala hesitated on account of the baseness of the transaction, but he
nevertheless yielded, either because he considered such things necessary in
war, or because he had learned beforehand, or conjectured, the mind of
Octavius. Menodorus at once deserted, and, upon the approach of Octavius,
threw himself at his feet and begged that he would pardon him without asking
for the reasons for his flight. Octavius conceded his safety on account of
the pledges made, but had him secretly watched. He dismissed the captains of
his triremes and allowed them to go wherever they pleased.
[
103]
When the fleet was ready Octavius set sail again. He landed at Vibo and
ordered Messala, who had two legions of infantry, to cross over to Sicily,
join the army of Lepidus, pass through to the bay in front of Tauromenium,
and station himself there. He sent three legions to Stylis and the extremity
of the straits, to await events. He ordered Taurus to sail around from
Tarentum to Mount Scylacium, which is opposite Tauromenium.
48 Taurus did so, having prepared
himself for fighting as well as for rowing. His infantry kept even pace with
him, the cavalry reconnoitring by land and the liburnicas by sea. While he
was making this movement Octavius, who had advanced from Vibo, made his
appearance near Scylacium, and, after giving his approval to the good order
of the forces, returned to Vibo. Pompeius, as I have already said, guarded
all the landing-places on the island and retained his fleet at Messana, in
order to send aid where it might be needed.
[
104]
Such were the preparations of Octavius and Pompeius in this quarter.
Meanwhile four more legions were en route to Lepidus from Africa in merchant
ships, being the remainder of his army. Papias, one of Pompeius' captains,
threw himself in their way on the sea, and, after they had received him as a
friend (for they thought that these were ships sent by Lepidus to meet
them), destroyed them. Some ships were despatched by Lepidus later, and when
these were approaching, the merchant ships that had escaped mistook them for
other enemies and fled. So some of them were burned, some captured, some
upset, and the rest returned to Africa. Two legions perished in the sea, or,
if any of them could swim, Tisienus, the lieutenant of Pompeius, slew them
when they reached the land. The other legions reëmbarked and joined
Lepidus, some sooner and some later. Papias sailed back to Pompeius.
[
105]
Octavius crossed from Vibo with his whole fleet to Strongyle,
49 one
of the five Æolian islands, having made a reconnoissance of the
sea beforehand. Seeing large forces in front of him on the Sicilian shore at
Pelorum, Mylæ, and Tyndaris, he conjectured that Pompeius himself
was there. So he left Agrippa in command and returned again to Vibo, and
thence hastened with Messala and three legions to the camp of Taurus,
intending to seize Tauromenium while Pompeius was still absent, and thus
threaten him on two sides at once. In pursuance of this plan Agrippa moved
forward from Strongyle to the island of Hiera, and as Pompeius' garrison
made no resistance he occupied it and intended on the following day to
attack, at Mylæ, Demochares, the lieutenant of Pompeius, who had
forty ships. Pompeius observed the menacing attitude of Agrippa, and sent to
Demochares from Messana forty-five ships, under the command of his freedman
Apollophanes, and followed in person with seventy others.
[
106]
Agrippa, with half of his ships, sailed out of Hiera before daylight in order
to have a naval engagement with Papias
50 only. When he saw the fleet of
Apollophanes also, and seventy ships on the other wing, he sent word to
Octavius at once that Pompeius was at Mylæ with the greater part
of his naval forces. Then he placed himself with his heavy ships in the
centre, and summoned the remainder of his fleet from Hiera in all haste. The
preparations on both sides were superb. The ships had towers on both stem
and stern. When the usual exhortation had been given and the standards
raised, they rushed against each other, some coming bow on, others making
flank attacks, the shouts of the men and the spray from the ships adding
terror to the scene. The Pompeian ships were shorter and lighter, and better
adapted to blockading and darting about. Those of Octavius were larger and
heavier, and, consequently, slower, yet stronger to give blows and not so
easily damaged. The Pompeian crews were better sailors than those of
Octavius, but the latter were stronger. Accordingly, the former excelled not
so much in close fighting as in the nimbleness of their movements, in
breaking oar blades and rudders, cutting off oar handles, or separating the
enemy's ships entirely, doing them no less harm than by ramming. Those of
Octavius sought to cut down with their beaks the hostile ships, which were
smaller in size, or shatter them, or break through them. When they came to
close quarters, being higher, they could hurl missiles down upon the enemy,
and more easily throw the corvus
51 and the grappling-irons. The
Pompeians, whenever they were overpowered in this manner, leaped into the
sea and were picked up by their small boats, which were hovering around for
this purpose.
[
107]
Agrippa bore down directly upon Papias and struck his ship under the bow,
shattering it and breaking a hole in the keel. The men in the towers were
shaken down, the water rushed into the ship, and all the oarsmen on the
lower benches were cut off. The others broke through the deck and escaped by
swimming. Papias escaped to a ship alongside of his own, and returned to the
battle. Pompeius, who observed from a mountain that his ships were making
little headway, and that whenever they came to close quarters with the enemy
they were denuded of fighting men, and that reinforcements were coming to
Agrippa from Hiera, gave the signal to retire in good order. This they did,
advancing and retreating little by little. Agrippa continued to bear down
upon them, and they took refuge, not on the beach, but among the shoals
formed in the sea by river deposits.
[
108]
Agrippa's pilots prevented him from running his large ships on the shoals. He
cast anchor in the open sea, intending to blockade the enemy and to fight a
battle by night if necessary; but his friends advised him not to be carried
away by rashness and not to wear out his soldiers with excessive toil and
want of sleep, and not to trust to that tempestuous sea. So in the evening
he reluctantly withdrew. The Pompeians made sail to their harbors, having
lost thirty of their ships, and sunk five of the enemy's, and having
inflicted considerable other damage and suffered as much in return. Pompeius
praised his own men because they had resisted such formidable vessels,
saying they had fought against walls rather than against ships; and he
rewarded them as though they had been victorious. He encouraged them to
believe that, as they were lighter, they would prevail over the enemy in the
straits on account of the current. He said also that he would make some
addition to the height of his ships. Such was the result of the naval battle
at Mylæ between Agrippa and Papias.
CHAPTER XII
Octavius crosses the Straits and demands the Surrender of Tauromenium --
He is suddenly attacked by Pompeius by Land and Sea -- Octavius' Fleet
is beaten and dispersed -- Cornificius is left in Camp near Tauromenium
-- Octavius escapes to the Shore and rallies his Land Forces --
Cornificius marches across Sicily -- Terrible Sufferings of his Troops
-- He is rescued by Agrippa -- Octavius effects a Lodgement on the
Northern Coast of Sicily -- An Eruption of Mount Etna -- Pompeius
challenges Octavius to a Naval Engagement -- The Challenge is accepted
-- A Stubborn and Protracted Contest -- Agrippa gains the Victory --
Pompeius flees to Messana -- He departs from Sicily -- Lepidus plunders
Messana
[
109]
Pompeius suspected that Octavius had gone to the camp of Taurus for the
purpose of attacking Tauromenium, which was the fact. So, directly after
supper, he sailed to Messana, leaving a part of his forces at Mylæ
so that Agrippa might think that he was still there. Agrippa, as soon as his
army was sufficiently rested, bestirred himself and set sail for Tyndaris,
which had offered to surrender. He entered the town, but the garrison fought
valiantly and drove him out. Some other towns espoused his cause and
received his garrisons, and he returned that evening. In the meantime,
Octavius had sailed from Scylacium to Leucopetra,
52
having learned for a certainty that Pompeius had gone from Messana to
Mylæ on account of Agrippa. He was about to cross the straits from
Leucopetra to Tauromenium by night, but learning of the sea-fight he changed
his mind, thinking that a victor ought not to steal his passage, but to
cross with his army boldly by daylight; for he was fully convinced that
Pompeius was still confronting Agrippa. Looking down from the mountains upon
the sea at daybreak and finding that it was clear of enemies, he set sail
with as many troops as the ships could carry, leaving the rest with Messala
until the fleet could return to him. Arriving at Tauromenium, he sent
messengers to demand its surrender. As his guards were not admitted, he made
sail to the river Onobalas and the temple of Venus, and moored his fleet at
the shrine of the Archegetes, the god of the Naxians,
53
intending to pitch his camp there and attack Tauromenium. The Archegetes is
a small statue of Apollo, erected by the Naxians when they first migrated to
Sicily.
[
110]
When Octavius disembarked from his ship he slipped and fell, but arose
without assistance. While he was yet laying out his camp, Pompeius made his
appearance with a large fleet--an astounding spectacle, since Octavius
believed that he had been beaten by Agrippa. Pompeius' cavalry advanced at
the same time, rivalling the fleet in rapidity of movement, and his infantry
was seen on the other side. The forces of Octavius were terrified at finding
themselves surrounded by enemies on three sides, and Octavius himself was
alarmed because Messala could not join him. The cavalry of Pompeius assailed
Octavius' men while they were still fortifying their camp. If his infantry
and his naval force had attacked simultaneously with the cavalry, Pompeius
might have accomplished greater results, but, being inexperienced in war and
ignorant of the panic among the troops of Octavius, and hesitating to begin
a battle at the approach of nightfall, one part of his forces stationed
themselves at the promontory of Coccynus,
54 while his
infantry, deeming it unwise to encamp near the enemy, withdrew to the town
of Phœnix.
55 Night coming on
they went to rest, and Octavius' soldiers finished their camp, but were
incapacitated for battle by toil and want of sleep. They consisted of three
legions, and 500 cavalry without horses, 1000 light-armed, and 2000
colonists serving as allies, but not enrolled, besides his fleet.
[
111]
Octavius placed all of his infantry under charge of Cornificius, and ordered
him to drive back the enemy and do whatever the exigencye required. He took
ship before daylight and went seaward lest the enemy should enclose him on
this side also, giving the right wing of the fleet to Titinius and the left
to Carcius, and embarking himself on a liburnica, with which he sailed
around the whole fleet, exhorting them to have courage. Having done this he
lowered the general's ensign, as is customary in times of extreme danger.
Pompeius put to sea against him, and they encountered each other twice, the
battle ending with the night. Some of Octavius' ships were captured and
burned; others spread their small sails and made for the Italian coast,
contrary to orders. Those of Pompeius followed them a short distance and
then turned against the remainder, capturing some and burning others. Some
of the crews swam ashore, most of whom were slaughtered or taken prisoners
by Pompeius' cavalry. Some of them set out to reach the camp of Cornificius,
who sent only his light-armed troops to assist them as they came near,
because he did not consider it prudent to move his disheartened legionaries
against the enemy's infantry, who were naturally much encouraged by their
victory.
[
112]
Octavius spent the greater part of the night among his small boats, in doubt
whether he should go back to Cornificius through the scattered remains of
his fleet, or take refuge with Messala. Providence brought him to the harbor
of Abala with a single armor-bearer, without friends, attendants, or slaves.
Certain persons, who had come down from the mountain to learn the news,
found him suffering in body and mind and brought him in rowboats (changing
from one to another for the purpose of concealment) to the camp of Messala,
which was not far distant. Straightway, and before he had attended to his
bodily wants, he despatched a liburnica to Cornificius, and sent word
throughout the mountains that he was safe, and ordered all his forces to
help Cornificius, and wrote to him that he would send him aid forthwith.
After attending to his own person and taking a little rest, he set forth by
night, accompanied by Messala, to Stylis, where Carinas was stationed with
three legions ready to embark, and ordered him to set sail for Lipara,
56 to which place he would shortly follow. He wrote to
Agrippa and urged him to send Laronius with an army to the rescue of
Cornificius with all speed. He sent Mæcenas again to Rome on
account of the revolutionists; and some of these, who were stirring up
disorder, were punished. He also sent Messala to Puteoli to bring the
so-called first legion to Vibo.
[
113]
This was the same Messala whom the triumvirs proscribed at Rome, and for the
killing of whom money and freedom were offered as rewards. He had fled to
Cassius and Brutus, and after their death had delivered his fleet to Antony,
in pursuance of an agreement made between them. It seems fitting to recall
this fact in honor of Roman magnanimity, inasmuch as Messala, when he had in
his power, overwhelmed with misfortune, the man who had proscribed him,
saved him and cared for him as his commander. Cornificius was able easily to
defend his camp against attack; but, being in danger from want of supplies,
he drew his men out for battle and challenged the enemy. But Pompeius did
not care to come to an engagement with men whose only hope rested in battle
and whom he expected to subdue by famine. Cornificius, having placed in the
centre the unarmed men who had escaped to him from the ships, took to the
road, grievously exposed to missiles in the open plains from the enemy's
horsemen and in the broken country from the light-armed troops from Numidia
in Africa, who hurled darts from long distances and made their escape when
charged by their enemies.
[
114]
On the fourth day, with difficulty, they arrived at the waterless region
which they say was formerly inundated by a stream of fire that ran down as
far as the sea and dried up all the streams in the district. The inhabitants
of the country traverse it only by night, on account of the stifling heat
and the dust and ashes with which it abounds. Being ignorant of the roads
and fearing ambush, Cornificius and his men did not dare to march through it
by night, especially as there was no moon, nor could they endure the
daytime, because of suffocation. Moreover, the bottoms of their feet were
burned (especially those who had no shoes), as it was now the hottest part
of the summer. On account of the tormenting thirst they could not delay.
They could no longer charge upon their assailants, but received wounds
without any means of defence. When they saw the place of exit from this
burned district occupied by enemies, the able-bodied ones, heedless of their
sick and barefooted companions, dashed at the defiles with amazing courage
and overpowered the enemy with all their remaining strength. When they found
the next defiles occupied by hostile forces they gave way to despair and
succumbed to thirst and heat. Cornificius aroused them by showing them a
spring of water near by; and again they overpowered the enemy, but with
heavy loss to themselves. Another body of enemies held possession of the
fountain, and now Cornificius' men lost all courage and gave way completely.
[
115]
While they were in this state Laronius, who had been sent by Agrippa with
three legions, made his appearance a long way off. Although it was not yet
plain that he was a friend, still, as they had been all the time hoping for
something of this kind, they once more recovered their spirits. When they
saw the enemy abandon the water in order not to be exposed to attack on both
sides, they shouted for joy with all their strength. When the troops of
Laronius shouted in return, they ran and seized the fountain. The leaders
forbade the men to drink to excess. Some who neglected this advice died
while drinking. In this unexpected manner did Cornificius, and what was left
of his army, escape to Agrippa at Mylæ.
57
[
116]
Agrippa had just taken Tyndaris, a stronghold full of provisions and
admirably situated for naval warfare. Thither Octavius transported his
infantry and cavalry. He had in Sicily all together twenty-one legions of
the former, 20,000 of the latter, and more than 5000 light-armed troops. The
garrison of Pompeius still held Mylæ, and all the places from
Mylæ to Naulochi and Pelorus, and all the coast. These garrisons,
in fear of Agrippa, kept fires burning continually, signifying that they
would set fire to any ships that should sail against them. Pompeius was also
master of the defiles on both sides of the island. The mountain passes in
the neighborhood of Tauromenium and around Mylæ were fortified by
him, and he harassed Octavius when the latter was making a forward movement
from Tyndaris, but not coming to an engagement. Believing that Agrippa was
moving his fleet against him, Pompeius changed his position to Pelorus,
abandoning the defiles around Mylæ; and Octavius occupied them and
also Mylæ and Artemisium, a very small town, in which, they say,
were the cattle of the Sun and where Ulysses fell asleep.
58
[
117]
When the report of Agrippa's movement turned out to be false, Pompeius was
troubled that he had lost the defiles,
59 and he called to his
assistance Tisienus with his army. Octavius sought to intercept Tisienus,
but lost his way around Mount Myconium. He passed the night there without
tents. There was a heavy rainfall, as often occurs in the autumn, and some
of his armor-bearers held a Gallic shield over his head the whole night.
Harsh mutterings and prolonged roars from Mount Etna were heard, accompanied
by flames which lighted up the camp, so that the Germans sprang from their
beds in fear. Others, who had heard what had been related of Mount Etna,
would not have been surprised, in presence of these remarkable phenomena, if
a torrent of fire had rolled upon them. After this Octavius ravaged the
territory of the Abacænians,
60 where
Lepidus, who was foraging, met him, and they both encamped near Messana.
[
118]
As there had been many skirmishes throughout Sicily, but no general
engagement, Octavius sent Taurus to cut off Pompeius' supplies by first
capturing the towns that furnished them. Pompeius was so much inconvenienced
by this that he decided to stake everything on a great battle. Since he
feared the enemy's infantry, but had confidence in his own ships, he sent
and asked Octavius if he would allow the war to be decided by a naval
engagement. Octavius, although he dreaded all naval encounters, which until
now had turned out badly for him, considered it base to refuse, and,
accordingly, accepted the challenge. A day was fixed by them, for which 300
ships were put in readiness on either side, provided with missiles of all
kinds, with towers and whatever machines they could think of. Agrippa
devised one called the harpago, a piece of wood five
cubits long bound with iron and having rings at the extremities. To one of
these rings was attached the harpago, an iron claw, to the other numerous
ropes, which drew the harpago by machine power after it had been thrown by a
catapult and had seized the enemy's ships.
[
119]
When the appointed day came the rival shouts of the oarsmen were first heard,
accompanied by missiles thrown by machines and by hand, such as stones,
firebrands, and arrows. Then the ships dashed against each other, some
striking amidships, others on the prows, others on the beaks, where the
blows are most effectual in discomposing the crew and rendering the vessel
useless. Others broke the opposing line by sailing through it, at the same
time discharging arrows and javelins; and the small boats picked up those
who fell overboard. There was a struggle of soldiers while the sailors put
forth their strength and the pilots their skill and their lung-power. The
generals cheered their men, and all the machines were brought into
requisition. The harpago achieved the greatest success. Thrown from a long
distance upon the ships, as it could be by reason of its lightness, it
clutched them, especially when the ropes pulled on it from behind. On
account of the iron bands it could not be easily cut by the men whom it
attacked, and those who tried to cut the ropes were prevented from reaching
them by its length. As this apparatus had never been known before, the enemy
had not provided themselves with scythe-mounted poles. One thing seemed
advisable in this unexpected emergency, and that was, to back water and draw
the ship away; but as the enemy did the same the force exerted by the men
was equal on both sides, and the harpago did its work.
[
120]
Accordingly, when the ships were drawn together, there was every kind of
fighting, the men leaping upon each other's decks. It was no longer easy to
distinguish an enemy from a friend, as they used the same weapons for the
most part, and nearly all spoke the Latin tongue, and the watchwords of each
side were divulged to the other while they were mingled together. Hence
arose many and divers frauds and lack of confidence on both sides on the
part of those using the same watchword. They failed to recognize each other
completely, and meanwhile the fighting and the sea were a confused medley of
corpses, clashing arms, and crashing ships. They left nothing untried except
fire. This they abstained from, after their first onset, because they were
locked together. The foot-soldiers of each army on the land beheld this
sea-fight with apprehension and eagerness, believing that their own hope of
safety was bound up in it. They could not distinguish anything, however
sharply they might look, but merely a long-drawn-out line of 600 ships, and
an alternation of cries and groans now on one side and now on the other.
[
121]
Judging from the colors of the towers, which constituted the only difference
between them, Agrippa with difficulty made out that Pompeius' ships had
sustained the greater loss, and he cheered on those who were close to him as
though they were already victors. Then he drove at the enemy and pressed
upon them without ceasing, until he overpowered those nearest him. They then
lowered their towers and turned their ships in flight toward the straits.
Seventeen of them, which were in advance, made their escape thither. The
rest were cut off by Agrippa and some were pursued and driven aground. The
pursuers ran aground with them in the rush, and either pulled off those that
had come to a standstill or set fire to them. When the Pompeian ships that
were still fighting saw what had befallen these, they surrendered to their
enemies. Then the soldiers of Octavius who were in the ships raised a shout
of victory and those on the land gave an answering shout. Those of Pompeius
groaned. Pompeius himself, darting away from Naulochi, hastened to Messana,
giving no orders to his infantry in his panic. Accordingly Octavius received
the surrender of Tisienus on terms agreed upon, and of the cavalry besides,
who were surrendered by their officers. Three of Octavius' ships were sunk
in the fight. Pompeius lost twenty-eight in this way, and the remainder were
burned, or captured, or run aground, and stove in pieces, except the
seventeen that escaped.
[
122]
Pompeius learned of the defection of his infantry while on the road, and
changed his costume from that of a commander to that of a private citizen,
and sent orders to Messana to put on shipboard everything possible. All
preparations to this end had been made long before. He summoned Plennius
from Lilybæum in haste, with the eight legions he had, intending
to take flight with them. Plennius hastened to comply with this order, but
as other friends, garrisons, and soldiers were deserting, and the enemy's
fleet was moving into the straits, Pompeius did not wait for Plennius in his
well-fortified city, but fled, with his seventeen ships, from Messana to
Antony, whose mother he had saved in similar circumstances. After his
departure Plennius arrived at Messana and occupied the place. Octavius
himself remained in the camp at Naulochi, but he ordered Agrippa to lay
siege to Messana, which the latter did, in conjunction with Lepidus.
Plennius sent envoys to treat for peace. Agrippa wanted to wait till morning
for the arrival of Octavius, but Lepidus granted terms, and, in order to
conciliate the soldiers of Plennius to himself, allowed them to join the
rest of the army in plundering the city. They had asked for nothing but
safety, and now, finding unexpected gain in addition, they plundered Messana
the whole night, in conjunction with the soldiers of Lepidus, and then
ranged themselves under his standards.
CHAPTER XIII
Lepidus lays Claim to Sicily -- Octavius tampers with his Troops --
Conflict in the Camp of Lepidus -- He is deserted by his Soldiers --
Lepidus deposed from his Command -- Octavius does not pursue Pompeius --
Mutiny in the Army -- It is suppressed by Octavius -- Octavius rewards
his Soldiers and returns to Italy -- Unbounded Honors bestowed upon him
at Rome -- He refuses to punish Lepidus -- Robbery suppressed --
Octavius elected Tribune for Life
[
123]
Including this new accession, Lepidus now had twenty-two legions of infantry
and a large body of cavalry. He was elated, and thought to make himself
master of Sicily, using the pretext that he was the first to invade the
island and that he had induced many cities to join the triumvirs. He sent
word to the garrisons of these places that they should not admit the
emissaries of Octavius, and he seized all the defiles. Octavius arrived on
the following day, and reproached Lepidus through friends, who reminded him
that he had come into Sicily as an ally of Octavius, not to acquire it for
himself. Lepidus replied that he had been despoiled of his former allotment,
which was now in the exclusive possession of Octavius, and that, if the
latter pleased, he would now exchange Africa and Sicily for that former
allotment. Octavius was exasperated. He came to Lepidus in anger and heaped
reproaches on him for ingratitude. They separated, indulging in mutual
threats. They forthwith surrounded themselves with guards, and the ships of
Octavius were anchored away from the shore, as it was said that Lepidus
intended to set fire to them.
[
124]
The soldiers were angry at the thought of engaging in another civil war, and
that there was never to be an end of sedition. They did not, however, seek
to compare Octavius and Lepidus; not even the army of Lepidus did that. They
admired the energy of Octavius, and.they were aware of the indolence of
Lepidus. They also blamed him for admitting the defeated enemy to an equal
share of the plunder. When Octavius learned their state of mind, he sent
emissaries among them to advise them secretly of their individual interests.
Many of them he tampered with, especially those who had served under
Pompeius, who feared lest the terms of their capitulation should not be
valid if Octavius did not ratify them. While Lepidus, by reason of his
ineptitude, remained ignorant of these things Octavius came to his camp with
a large body of horse, whom he left at the entrance, and himself went in
with a few. Coming forward, he declared to those whom he met that he was
drawn into war unwillingly. Those who saw him saluted him as imperator.
First of all the Pompeians, who had been tampered with, collected together
and asked his forgiveness. He said that he was astonished that persons
asking forgiveness should not do what their own interests demanded. They
understood his meaning, and forthwith seized their standards and went over
to him, while others began to take down their tents.
[
125]
When Lepidus became aware of this tumult he sprang from his tent to arms.
Blows were exchanged and one of Octavius' armor-bearers was killed. Octavius
himself was struck by a weapon on his breastplate, but it did not penetrate
the flesh, and he ran and took refuge with his horsemen. A detachment of
guards belonging to Lepidus jeered at him as he ran. Octavius was so angry
that he could not restrain himself from dashing upon them with his
horsemen
61 and destroying them. The officers of the other guards
transferred their allegiance from Lepidus to Octavius, some immediately,
others during the night; some without solicitation, others pretending to be
coerced more or less by the cavalry. There were some who still resisted the
assault and beat off the assailants, for Lepidus sent reenforcements in all
directions; but when these very reënforcements went over, the
remainder of his army, even those who were yet well disposed toward him,
changed their opinion. Again the first to move were those Pompeians who
still remained with him. They transferred themselves by detachments, one
after another. Lepidus armed others to prevent them from going, but the very
ones who were armed for this purpose seized their standards and went over to
Octavius with the rest. Lepidus threatened and besought them as they took
their departure. He held fast to the standards, and said he would not give
them up, until one of the standard-bearers said to him, "Let go, or you are
a dead man." Then he was afraid and let go.
[
126]
The last to come over were the cavalry. They sent a messenger to Octavius to
ask if they should kill Lepidus, who was no longer a commander. He replied
in the negative. Thus was Lepidus deserted by all and bereft, in a moment of
time, of so exalted a station and so great an army. He changed his costume
and hastened to Octavius, all the spectators running with him to enjoy the
spectacle. Octavius started up as he approached, and prevented him from
throwing himself at his feet, and sent him to Rome in the garb of a private
citizen, which he was wearing, deprived of his command, but not of the
priesthood, which he held. And so this man, who had often been a commander
and once a triumvir, who had appointed magistrates and had proscribed so
many men of his own rank, passed his life as a private citizen, asking
favors of some of the proscribed, who were magistrates at a later
period.
62
[
127]
Octavius neither pursued Pompeius nor allowed others to do so; either because
he refrained from encroaching on Antony's dominions, or because he preferred
to wait and see what Antony would do to Pompeius and make that a pretext for
a quarrel if he should do wrong (for they had long entertained the suspicion
that ambition would bring them into mutual conflict when other rivals were
out of the way), or, as Octavius said later, because Pompeius was not one of
his father's murderers. He now brought his forces together, and they
amounted to forty-five legions of infantry, 25,000 horse, and some 40,000
light-armed troops. He also had 600 war-ships and an immense number of
merchant vessels, which he sent back to their owners. To the soldiers he
awarded the prizes of victory, paying a part down and promising the rest
later. He distributed crowns and other honors to all, and granted pardon to
the Pompeian leaders.
[
128]
Fortune became jealous of his great prosperity.
63 His army revolted,
especially his own troops. They demanded to be discharged from the service
and that rewards should be given them equal to those given to the men who
fought at Philippi. Octavius knew that the present war had not been of the
same grade as that one. He promised nevertheless to pay what their services
were worth, and to include the soldiers serving under Antony when the latter
should return. As to their breach of discipline, he reminded them, in a
threatening tone, of the laws of their ancestors, of their oaths and of the
punishments. As they gave little heed to what he said, he abandoned his
threatening tone lest the spirit of mutiny should extend to his newly
acquired troops, and said that he would discharge them at the proper time in
conjunction with Antony. He said, also, that he would not engage them in any
more civil wars, which had fortunately come to an end, but in war against
the Illyrians and other barbarous tribes, who were disturbing the peace
which had been gained with so much difficulty; from which war the soldiers
would acquire great riches. They said that they would not go to war again
until they had received the prizes and honors of the previous wars. He said
that he would not postpone the honors. So he distributed many prizes, and
gave to the legions additional crowns, and to the centurions and tribunes
purple-bordered garments and the dignity of chief councillors in their
native towns. While he was distributing other awards of this kind, the
tribune Ofilius exclaimed that crowns and purple garments were playthings
for boys, that the rewards for soldiers were lands and money. The multitude
cried out, "Well said"; whereupon Octavius descended from the platform in
anger. The soldiers gathered around the tribune, praising him and railing at
those who did not join with them. Ofilius said that he alone would suffice
to defend so just a cause, but after saying this he disappeared the
following day, and it was never known what became of him.
[
129]
The soldiers no longer dared to give utterance to their complaints singly,
but they joined together in groups and called for their discharge in common.
Octavius conciliated their leaders in various ways. He released those who
had served at Philippi and Mutina, and who wished to be discharged, as their
time had expired. These, to the number of 20,000, he dismissed and sent out
of the island at once, lest they should seduce the others. To those only
AUGUSTUS
In the Braccio Nuovo, Vatican Museum, Rome
who had served at Mutina he added, that, although they were discharged in
this way, he would fulfil the promises made to them at that time. He came
before the rest of the army and called upon them to bear witness to the
perjury of the revolters, who had been dismissed contrary to the wish of
their military commander. He praised those who remained with him, and
encouraged them to expect a speedy release, saying that nobody would be
sorry, and that they would be discharged rich, and that he would give them
500 drachmas per man now. Having thus spoken, he exacted tribute from Sicily
to the amount of 1600 talents, appointed
proprætors for Africa and Sicily, and assigned a division of the
army to each of these provinces. He sent back Antony's ships to Tarentum. A
part of the army he sent in advance of himself to Italy in ships, and took
the remainder with him when he departed from the island.
[
130]
When he arrived at Rome the Senate voted him unbounded honors, giving him the
privilege of accepting all, or such as he chose. They and the people went
out a long distance to meet him, wearing garlands on their heads, and
escorted him, when he arrived, first to the temples, and then from the
temples to his house. The next day he made speeches to the Senate and to the
people, recounting his exploits and his policy from the beginning to the
present time. These speeches he wrote down and distributed in pamphlet form.
He proclaimed peace and good-will, said that the civil wars were ended,
remitted the unpaid taxes, and released the farmers of the revenue and the
holders of public leases from what they owed. Of the honors voted to him, he
accepted an ovation
64 and annual solemnities on the days of his
victories, and a golden image to be erected in the forum, with the garb he
wore when he entered the city, to stand on a column surrounded by the beaks
of captured ships. There the image was placed bearing the inscription:
“"PEACE, LONG DISTURBED, HE REËSTABLISHED ON LAND AND
SEA."”
[
131]
When the people desired to transfer from Lepidus to himself the office of
pontifex maximus, which the law bestowed upon one person for life, he would
not accept it, and when they prayed that Lepidus might be put to death as a
public enemy he would not allow it. He sent sealed letters to all the
armies, with instructions to open them all on a designated day and to
execute the orders contained therein. These orders related to the slaves who
had run away during the civil dissensions and joined the armies, for whom
Pompeius had asked freedom, which the Senate and the treaty had granted.
These were all arrested on the same day and brought to Rome, and Octavius
returned them to their Roman or Italian masters, or to the heirs of the
same. He also gave back those belonging to Sicilian masters. Those whom
nobody claimed he caused to be put to death in the cities from which they
had absconded.
[
132]
This seemed to be the end of the civil dissensions. Octavius was now
twenty-eight years of age. Cities joined in placing him among their tutelary
gods. At this time Italy and Rome itself were openly infested with bands of
robbers, whose doings were more like barefaced plunder than secret theft.
Sabinus was chosen by Octavius to correct this disorder. He executed many of
the captured brigands, and within one year brought about a condition of
absolute security. At that time, they say, originated the custom and system
of cohorts of night watchmen still in force. Octavius excited astonishment
by having put an end to this evil with such unexampled rapidity. He allowed
the yearly magistrates to administer public affairs, in many particulars,
according to the customs of the fathers. He burned the writings which
contained evidence concerning the civil strife, and said that he would
abdicate entirely when Antony should return from the Parthian war, for he
was persuaded that Antony, too, would be willing to lay down the government,
the civil wars being at an end. Thereupon he was chosen tribune for life by
acclamation, the people urging him, by the offer of this perpetual
magistracy, to give up his former one.
65 This he accepted, and at
the same time he wrote privately to Antony in reference to their government.
Antony gave instructions to Bibulus, who was going away from him, to confer
with Octavius. He sent governors to take charge of his provinces in like
manner as Octavius had done, and he had thoughts of joining the latter in
his expedition against the Illyrians.
CHAPTER XIV
Sextus Pompeius flees to Antony -- Forms Plans to assist Antony or
supersede him according to Circumstances -- Sends an Embassy to Antony
-- Antony sends Titius against him -- Antony hears the Ambassadors -- He
captures the Envoys sent by Pompeius to the Parthians -- Double-dealing
of Pompeius discovered -- He begins Hostilities against Antony's
Lieutenants -- Antony sends Reënforcements against him --
Pompeius deserted by his Friends -- A Battle in the Night -- Pompeius
offers to surrender to Furnius, who refuses to accept him -- Pompeius
refuses to surrender to Titius -- He is captured by Amyntas -- He is
delivered to Titius, who puts him to Death
[
133]
Pompeius, fleeing from Sicily to Antony, stopped at the Lacinian promontory
and robbed the rich temple of Juno of its gifts. He landed at Mitylene and
spent some time at that place, where his father, when at war with
Cæsar, had bestowed him with his mother, when he was still a boy,
and where his father had recovered him after his defeat. As Antony was now
waging war in Media against the Medes and the Parthians, Pompeius decided to
intrust himself to Antony on his return. When he heard that Antony had been
worsted, and this result was confirmed by the reports, his hopes once more
revived, and he fancied that he might succeed Antony if the latter were
dead, or share his power if he returned. He was continually thinking of
Labienus, who had overrun Asia not long before. While he was in this frame
of mind the news reached him that Antony had returned to Alexandria.
Scheming with both projects, he sent ambassadors to Antony ostensibly to
place himself at the latter's disposal and to offer himself as a friend and
ally, but really to get accurate information about Antony's affairs. At the
same time he sent others secretly to the princes of Thrace and Pontus,
intending, if he should not obtain what he desired from Antony, to take
flight through Pontus to Armenia. He sent also to the Parthians, hoping
that, for the remainder of their war against Antony, they would be eager to
receive him as a general, because he was a Roman, and especially because he
was the son of Pompey the Great. He refitted his ships and drilled the
soldiers he had brought in them, pretending at one time that he was in fear
of Octavius, and at another that he was getting ready to assist Antony.
[
134]
As soon as Antony heard of the coming of Pompeius he designated Titius to
take the field against him. He ordered the latter to take ships and soldiers
from Syria and to wage war vigorously against Pompeius if he showed himself
hostile, but to treat him with honor if he submitted himself to Antony. Then
he gave audience to the ambassadors who had arrived, and who addressed him
as follows: "Pompeius has sent us to you, not because he was without a place
of refuge (if he were minded to continue the war) in Spain, a country
friendly to him on his father's account and which espoused his own cause
when he was younger, and even now calls upon him for that purpose, but
because he prefers to enjoy peace with you, or, if need be, to fight under
your orders. He makes these advances now not for the first time, but did so
while he was master of Sicily and was ravaging Italy, and when he rescued
your mother and sent her to you. If you had accepted these advances,
Pompeius would not have been driven out of Sicily (for you would not have
provided Octavius with ships against him), nor would you have been defeated
in Parthia, in consequence of Octavius, not sending you the soldiers he
agreed to send. In fact, you would now be in possession of Italy in addition
to your other dominions. As you did not accept the offer at the time when it
would have been most advantageous to you, he repeats it now in order that
you may not be so often ensnared by Octavius' words and by the marriage
relationship existing between you; for you will remember that, although he
is connected by marriage with Pompeius, he declared war against the latter
after the treaty had been made, and without excuse. He also deprived
Lepidus, his partner in the government, of his share, and divided no part of
it with you.
[
135]
"You are now the only remaining one who stands between him and the monarchy
that he longs for. He would already have been at blows with you, had not
Pompeius stood in the way. Although you ought to have foreseen these things
for yourself, Pompeius calls your attention to them out of good-will,
because he prefers a candid and magnanimous man to a deceitful, treacherous,
and artful one. He does not blame you for the gift of ships which you made
to Octavius against him as a matter of necessity, in order to procure
soldiers for the Parthian war in exchange, but he reminds you that those
soldiers were not sent. In short, Pompeius delivers himself to you with the
ships which he still has and his most faithful soldiers, who have not
abandoned him even in his flight. If peace is maintained, it will be a great
glory to you to have saved the son of Pompey the Great. In case of war, he
will be a considerable help to your party in the conflict which is coming,
unless, to be sure, it has already come."
[
136]
When the ambassadors had thus spoken, Antony showed them the orders he had
sent to Titius, and said that if Pompeius was truly in this frame of mind he
should come in person under the escort of Titius. In the meantime, the
messengers who had been sent by Pompeius to the Parthians were captured by
Antony's generals and brought to Alexandria. After Antony had examined each
of them he summoned the ambassadors of Pompeius and showed the captives to
them. They made excuses for Pompeius even then as a young man in a desperate
plight, fearful lest Antony should not treat him kindly, and driven by
necessity to make trial even of the bitterest enemies of Rome. They said
that he would show his true disposition as soon as he should learn Antony's,
and would then need no other attempt or devices. Antony believed them, being
in other respects and at all times of a frank, magnanimous, and unsuspecting
nature.
[
137]
In the meantime Furnius, who was governing the province of Asia for Antony,
had received Pompeius when he arrived, as he was behaving quietly; since
Furnius had not sufficient force to prevent him and did not yet know
Antony's mind. Seeing Pompeius drilling his troops, he
mustered
a force from the provincials and hastily summoned Ahenobarbus, who had
command of an army in the vicinity, and also Amyntas from the other side.
They responded promptly, and Pompeius complained against Furnius for
regarding him in the light of an enemy when he had sent ambassadors to
Antony and was waiting for an answer from him. While he was saying this he
was meditating the project of seizing Ahenobarbus, with the connivance of
Curius, one of Ahenobarbus' officers, intending to hold that general as a
valuable hostage to exchange for himself in case of need. The treachery was
discovered and Curius was convicted before the Romans present and put to
death. Pompeius put to death his freedman Theodorus, the only person who was
privy to the plan, believing that he had divulged it. As he no longer
expected to conceal his projects from Furnius, he possessed himself of
Lampsacus by treachery, a city which contained many Italians, colonized
there by Gaius Cæsar. These Italians he induced to enter his
military service by large bounties. Having now 200 horse and three legions
of infantry, he attacked Cyzicus by land and sea. He was repulsed on both
sides, because there was a force, although not a large one, in Cyzicus, that
was guarding some gladiators whom Antony supported there. So Pompeius
retired to the harbor of the Achæans and collected provisions.
[
138]
Furnius did not begin hostilities, but he continually camped alongside of
Pompeius with a large body of horse and prevented his foe from foraging or
winning the cities to his side. As Pompeius had no cavalry, he assaulted the
camp of Furnius in front and, at the same time, sent a force secretly around
to his rear. Furnius accordingly directed his forces against Pompeius' front
attack, but he was driven out of his camp by the force in his rear. Pompeius
pursued his men and killed many as they fled over the Scamandrian plain,
which was saturated with recent rains. Those who were saved withdrew to a
place of safety, as they were not fit for battle. While they were waiting
for assistance from Mysia, the Propontis, and elsewhere, the inhabitants,
who were distressed by continual exactions, enlisted gladly under Pompeius,
especially on account of the reputation he had gained by his victory at the
harbor of the Achæans. While Pompeius was deficient in cavalry,
and was thus crippled in procuring supplies, he learned that a troop of
Italian horse was coming to Antony, sent by Octavia, who was passing the
winter in Athens. So he sent emissaries with gold to corrupt this troop, but
Antony's governor of Macedonia caught these men and distributed their gold
to the cavalry.
[
139]
Pompeius took Nicæa and Nicomedia, from which he obtained large
supplies of money, and his strength was augmented in all respects with a
rapidity that exceeded his expectations. But Furnius, who was camping not
far away from him, was reënforced, at the beginning of spring,
first with seventy ships that had come from Sicily, which had been saved
from those that Antony had lent to Octavius against Pompeius; for after the
close of the war in Sicily Octavius had dismissed them. Then Titius arrived
from Syria with 120 additional ships and a large army; and all these had
landed at Proconnesus. Pompeius became alarmed and burned his own ships and
armed his oarsmen, believing that he could fight to better advantage with
all of his forces combined on land. Cassius of Parma, Nasidius, Saturninus,
Thermus, Antistius, and the other distinguished men of his party who were
still with him as friends, and Fannius, who held the highest rank of all,
and Pompeius' father-in-law, Libo, when they saw that he did not desist from
war against superior forces even after Titius, to whom Antony had given
entire charge, had arrived, despaired of him, and, having made terms for
themselves, went over to Antony.
[
140]
Pompeius, now deserted by his friends, withdrew to the interior of Bithynia,
being reported as making his way to Armenia. One night as he marched out of
his camp quietly, Furnius and Titius followed him, and Amyntas joined in the
pursuit. After a hot chase they came up with him toward evening, and each
encamped by himself around a certain hill without ditch or palisade, as it
was late and they were tired. While they were in this state, Pompeius made a
night attack with 300 light troops and killed many who were still asleep or
springing out of bed. The rest took to disgraceful flight in a state of
nudity. It is evident that if Pompeius had made this night attack with his
entire army, or if he had followed up energetically the victory he did win,
he would have overcome them completely. But, misled by a god, he gave no
heed to these opportunities, and he gained no other advantage from the
affair than to penetrate farther into the interior of the country. His
enemies, having formed a junction, followed him and cut off his supplies,
until he was in danger from want. Then he sought an interview with Furnius,
who had been a friend of Pompey the Great, and who was of higher rank and of
a more trustworthy character than the others.
[
141]
Taking a position where a river flowed between them, Pompeius said that he
had sent ambassadors to Antony, and he added that, being in need of
provisions meanwhile, and nobody supplying him, he had done what he had
done. "If you have fought against me," he continued, "by Antony's direction,
Antony has misconceived his own interests in not foreseeing the coming war.
If you are anticipating Antony's intentions, I protest and implore you to
wait for the embassy that I sent to Antony or to take and bring me to him
now. I will surrender myself to you alone, Furnius, asking merely your
pledge that you will conduct me to him in safety." He spoke thus because he
had confidence in Antony as a man of generous nature, and he apprehended
merely that something might happen to him on the journey. Furnius replied to
him as follows: "If you wished to surrender yourself to Antony you ought to
have done so in the beginning, or else have waited quietly at Mitylene for
his answer. But if you desired the war you should have done as you have
done. Why is it necessary to recount your deeds to one who knows them? If
now you repent, do not bring us, generals, into collision with each other,
but surrender yourself to Titius, to whom these matters have been intrusted
by Antony. The pledge which you ask from me you can ask from him. He has
been ordered by Antony to put you to death if you wage war, but, if you
surrender yourself, to send you to him in an honorable manner."
[
142]
Pompeius was angry with Titius as an ingrate, in that he undertook to wage
this war against him, for he had once been taken prisoner and spared by
Pompeius. Besides being angry he considered it beneath his dignity to be in
the power of Titius, who was not of noble birth. Moreover he suspected
Titius, either because he was acquainted with his character and did not
consider him trustworthy, or because he was conscious of some old injury
done to him previous to the benefaction above mentioned. Again he offered to
surrender himself to Furnius, and begged that he would receive him. When the
latter refused he said that he would surrender to Amyntas. Furnius said that
Amyntas would not receive him, because that would be an insult to the one
whom Antony had intrusted with this whole business; and so the interview
ended. The opinion prevailed in the camp of Furnius that, for want of other
resources, Pompeius would deliver himself up to Titius on the following day.
When night came Pompeius left the customary fires burning, and the trumpets
giving the usual signal at intervals through the night, while he quietly
withdrew from the camp with a well-prepared band, who had not been
previously advised whither they were to go. He intended to go to the
sea-shore and burn Titius' fleet, and perhaps would have done so had not
Scaurus deserted from him and communicated the fact of his departure and the
road he had taken, although ignorant of his design. Amyntas, with 1500 horse, pursued Pompeius, who had no cavalry.
When Amyntas drew near, Pompeius' men passed over to him, some privately,
others openly. Pompeius, being almost entirely deserted and afraid of his
own men, surrendered himself to Amyntas without conditions, although he had
scorned to surrender to Titius with conditions.
[
143]
Thus was Sextus Pompeius captured. He was the last remaining son of Pompey
the Great, and had been deprived of his father when very young and of his
brother while still a stripling. After their death he concealed himself for
a long time and practised robbery secretly in Spain until he had collected a
large following, because he made himself known as Pompey's son. Then he
practised more open robbery. After the death of Gaius Cæsar he
carried on war vigorously and collected a large army, together with ships
and money, took islands, became master of the western sea, brought famine
upon Italy, and compelled his enemies to make peace on such terms as he
chose. Of most importance was the aid that he rendered to the proscribed in
Rome exposed to utter destruction, rescuing many of the nobility who were,
at this later time, safe at home by means of him. But stricken with mental
aberration, he never pursued an aggressive policy against his foes, although
fortune offered him many opportunities; he only defended himself. After such
a career Pompeius was taken prisoner.
[
144]
Titius brought Pompeius' soldiers into Antony's service and put Pompeius
himself to death at Miletus in the fortieth year of his age. This he did
either on his own account, angry at some former insult, and ungrateful for
the subsequent kindness, or in pursuance of Antony's order. Some say that
Plancus, not Antony, gave this order. They think that Plancus, while
governing Syria, was authorized by letters to sign Antony's name in cases of
urgency and to use his seal. Others think that it was written by Plancus
with Antony's knowledge, but that the latter was ashamed to write it on
account of the name Pompeius, and because Cleopatra was favorable to him on
account of Pompey the Great. Still others think that Plancus, being
cognizant of these facts, took it upon himself to give the order as a matter
of precaution, lest Pompeius, with the coöperation of Cleopatra,
should breed dissension between Antony and Octavius.
66
[
145]
After the death of Pompeius Antony made a new expedition to Armenia, and
Octavius made one against the Illyrians, who were plundering Italy, some of
whom had never been subject to the Romans, while others had revolted during
the civil wars. Since these Illyrian affairs are not very well known to me,
and are not of sufficient length to make a book by themselves, and have no
suitable place to be treated elsewhere, I have recorded them above
(beginning with the time when Illyria was acquired by the Romans and
bringing them down to the end), and added them to the history of the
neighboring Macedonia.