William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 1

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Chapter 7:

• Recruiting for the New regiments
-- the position of the armies in the field -- letters from the Adjutant-General to different persons -- establishment ofCamps -- departure of New regiments -- recruits for Old regiments -- letter to Secretary Seward -- suggestions adopted -- foreign recruits -- Letterto General Couch -- deserters -- want of mustering officers -- letter fromGeneral Hooker -- our sick and wounded -- letter to General McClellan -- General Fitz-John Porter -- call for nineteen thousand soldiers for Ninemonths -- appointment of Major Rogers -- preparing for a draft -- Militiavolunteers -- letter to the President -- great activity in recruiting -- liberality of John M. Forbes -- Colonel Maggi -- town authorities ask Civiliansto be commissioned -- First attempt to raise colored troops -- Letterto Hon. J. G. Abbott -- recommends Merchants and others to devote Halfof each day to recruiting -- hardship to Seaboard towns -- attempt to haveCredits allowed for men in the Navy -- difficulties -- earnest letter -- surgeons sent forward -- several recommendations -- battle of Antietam -- Dr.Hitchcock sent forward -- his report -- affairs at the front -- Recruitingbrisk -- Republican Convention -- sharp debate -- nominations -- People'sconvention -- General Devens nominated for Governor -- speeches -- Letterto General Dix -- contrabands -- complaints -- quotas filled -- departure ofRegiments -- invasion of Texas -- Major Burt -- State appointments, &c.

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On the fourth day of July, 1862, the President of the United States issued a call for three hundred thousand men, to serve for three years or to the end of the war. Three days after,—on the seventh day of July,—General Order No. 26 was issued, by order of Governor Andrew, in which it was stated, that ‘a call has been made upon the Governor of this Commonwealth, by the President of the United States, for fifteen thousand volunteers, to form new regiments, and to fill the ranks of those of this Commonwealth now at the seat of war.’ At that time, the Thirty-second, Thirty-third, Thirty-fourth, and Thirty-fifth Regiments were being recruited in the State. To bring the matter of recruiting more nearly home to each city and town, and to invest it with a peculiar and local interest, the Adjutant-General suggested to the Governor, that it would be well to [339] show the number which each city and town should furnish as its proportion of the number called for, not taking into account the number which they had already furnished. This could be done by assuming, as a basis, the men enrolled liable to do military duty, as exhibited by the annual returns made to the Adjutant-General by the assessors of the cities and towns, as required by law. This suggestion met with the approval of the Governor; and therefore the number each city and town was to furnish was embodied in the general order.

This had a beneficial effect. The municipal authorities, knowing what they had to do, entered upon the work of recruiting with patriotic zeal. Town meetings were held, money appropriated, and committees appointed to assist in recruiting, and to carry into practical effect the call of the President. Many of our regiments at the seat of war had been decimated by losses in battle, and by sickness occasioned by exposure, a Southern climate, and the hardships of a great campaign.

The Army of the Potomac at this time, failing in its object, —the capture of Richmond, —was falling back on Harrison's Landing, on the James River. The command of General Banks occupied the upper waters of the Potomac. The army under General Burnside had captured Newbern, and other important places in North Carolina, and was holding its position. The command of General Butler occupied New Orleans, and other important posts in Louisiana. The Thirty-first Regiment, under Butler's command, on the first day of May, was the first to land, and take possession of the city. The landing was effected without difficulty, though threats and insults met them as they put their feet on the soil of Louisiana. Our great admiral, Farragut, had silenced Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and opened the Mississippi for the advance of the army. The Thirtieth Regiment had proceeded up the river to Baton Rouge, disembarked on the morning of June 2, and quartered in the State Capitol, and from its dome raised the stars and stripes, from which they were never struck. In these commands were centred all the regiments and batteries which Massachusetts had sent to the war.

Success had crowned the efforts of the Union arms, except [340] before Richmond. The losses in the Army of the Potomac were fearfully great. The newspapers, for weeks, had daily published the long lists of dead and wounded; many of our bravest and best had fallen. Homes had been made desolate; the maimed, with their ghastly wounds, crying for help, reached us daily. But never was the war spirit more determined and buoyant than at this time. Never was recruiting more active; never did men flock to our camps to enlist more eagerly. In Boston, many of our merchants closed their places of business at two o'clock in the afternoon, that they might devote the remainder of the day to recruiting. Meetings were held, and addresses made, on the Common and in Roxbury; recruiting tents were erected in Haymarket Square, Court Square, and on the Common. Meetings were held, and speeches made, in front of the Old South; and men, unused to public speech, were fired with eloquence. A general camp of rendezvous was established in the city of Worcester, and named ‘Camp Wool,’ in honor of the veteran, Major-General Wool. To this camp all recruits from the counties of Berkshire, Franklin, Hampden, Hampshire, and Worcester, were sent. The old camp at Lynnfield was continued, and designated ‘Camp Stanton,’ which served as the general rendezvous of recruits from the counties of Barnstable, Bristol, Dukes, Essex, Middlesex, Norfolk, Nantucket, Plymouth, and Suffolk. Until further orders, Lieutenant-Colonel Lincoln, of the Thirty-fourth Regiment, which was then being recruited, was placed in command of ‘Camp Wool;’ and Colonel Maggi, of the Thirty-third Regiment, which was also being recruited, was placed in command of ‘Camp Stanton.’ Surgeon-General Dale was instructed to have a surgeon at each of the camps, to examine recruits.

These camps were intended for recruits who were to form new regiments; and ‘Camp Cameron,’ at North Cambridge, under the command of the United States military commander, Colonel H. Day, was the general rendezvous for recruits intended for regiments already in the field.

The necessity of filling the quota of Massachusetts in the shortest possible time was strongly pressed upon the Governor by the President and the Secretary of War, and by him urged [341] upon the people with all his power of eloquence and enthusiasm for the cause. We cannot better illustrate the interest felt, and the activity exercised, by the people of the State to recruit and send forward men, than by making a few extracts from letters written by the Adjutant-General in answer to others received by him from gentlemen in all parts of the Commonwealth, asking for recruiting papers and information to guide them in their patriotic work. From the eighth day of July to the first day of August, upwards of five hundred letters were written by him upon this and kindred subjects.

July 8.—He writes to J. N. Dunham, Adams,—

Thanks for your patriotic letter. You will see, by General Order No. 26, in this morning's papers, that your quota is sixty-eight men. Get them as speedily as possible, and I will furnish transportation as soon as notified. Why cannot Berkshire raise a regiment? We must have men at once. Let every good citizen take hold, and give his influence and money to the cause.

To P. W. Morgan, Lee,—

The quota of Lee is thirty-seven men. Raise them; and if you are qualified, and I doubt not you are, a lieutenancy will doubtless be given you; but we must have the men. The influential citizens of the town should take hold with heart and will. You will receive two dollars for every man you recruit. This letter is all the authority you require.

To Moody D. Cook, Newburyport,—

Recruit every man you can; take him to the mustering officer in Salem, and take a receipt for him. After he is mustered into the United States service, you shall receive two dollars for each man. The officer will furnish transportation to Lynnfield. Work, work; for we want men badly.

To Moses P. Towne, Topsfield,—

We require the aid of every man in the State to forward recruiting. You will not need any papers. If you can enlist a man in Topsfield, do it, and I will immediately furnish transportation to Lynnfield. The necessity is urgent. The quota for Topsfield, nineteen men.

To A. Potter, Pittsfield,— [342]

The terrible pressure of business upon me has prevented my answering your favor of the 4th inst. before. I inclose you the blanks you ask for. Pittsfield must furnish one hundred and two men. Why can't you raise a regiment in Berkshire? If we cannot get the men in this way, we must draft; for the men must be had at once. Let a meeting be called; and let those who have money in their pockets, and patriotism in their hearts, step forth, and give to the cause. We must have the men.

To E. W. Norton, North Blandford,—

In answer to your patriotic and excellent letter of the 4th inst., I would say that we want all the men asked for at once. Please see General Order No. 26 in the papers of to-day. Each town's quota is set down, and they must respond. Let influential and patriotic men take hold at once, and put the thing through. The order contains all the necessary information. A copy will be sent to every town in the State. Any thing you can do to forward the cause will be gratefully remembered.

To Charles F. Crocker, Cotuit Port,—

You will see, by General Order No. 26 in to-day's papers, that the quota for Barnstable County is two hundred and eighty-five men. I care not how they are raised; only raise them, as we want men very much. I hope the selectmen and prominent citizens will act together, and raise the men,–each town its own share. I want the towns to take hold systematically.

To H. W. Pratt, Worcester,—

Give Mr. Brewer the authority he requires. Let him recruit men for you, and take receipts for the same, and I will see that he gets his two dollars. We must have the men at once. Let meetings be called, and the influential men, and the city and town authorities, take hold with a will.

To Joshua Tarr, Rockport,—

The quota of Rockport is twenty-nine men. We want these men very much indeed; and any means you may adopt to recruit them will be satisfactory. If Mr. Thurston is the man, then you may employ him. This letter will be his authority. The men are entitled to one month's pay (thirteen dollars), and a bounty of twenty-five dollars in addition, as soon as the company is full to which they may be attached. How long will it take to recruit these men? I will furnish transportation to the camp. Let me hear from you again.

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To Frank J. Crosby, Nantucket,—

In answer to yours of July 3, I would say, that we are very much in want of recruits. The quota of Nantucket is eighty-two men. I hope they will be got as soon as possible. If you can raise a full company there, so much the better. I inclose you the proper papers. They may be sent to Fort Warren; but no positive assurance can be given, for, as soon as they are mustered in, they are under orders. The company that went to Fort Warren, of which you speak, was a militia company, and is only there for six months. We can garrison the fort all the time with militia companies. What is wanted now is men for the front, as stated in General Order No. 26. Consult with the selectmen and influential citizens, and get the eighty-two men as quick as possible. I will furnish the transportation.

To Henry D. Capen, North Hadley,—

In answer to yours of the 7th inst., I would say that General Order 26 calls upon the towns, and every citizen in them, to get recruits; and, if we cannot get them this way, I fear the next step will be a draft.

To W. W. S. Oleton, Haverhill,—

We want all the men for Massachusetts quota at once. The quota of Haverhill is two hundred and twelve men. I hope you will do what you can to aid the recruiting; and, if you do, I think you will get a commission. But that lies with the Governor. If qualified, I will do my best for you. I hope the people of the town will take hold, and at once see if they cannot get their quota enlisted. Let me hear from you again.

July 9.—To Thomas Allen, Pittsfield,—

Nothing can exceed the patriotic spirit of the people of Pittsfield. The town has already most nobly connected its name with the brightest pages of this war, and now it is the first to take hold in the right way to raise its quota for the new demand. I find that the cities and towns are taking hold with a good will; and I feel very much encouraged that we shall get our quota, not only without drafting, but before any other State has got half its share. Of course, the towns which raise their quota under General Order No. 26 will be exempt from draft, should one be made, which I now believe will not be necessary. The quota of Pittsfield is one hundred and two men,—just a company.

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To Malcolm Ammidown, Southbridge,—

The towns which furnish their quota promptly will, of course, be exempt from a draft for the 300,000 men. I do hope that Southbridge, and every town in Massachusetts, will furnish its quota at once, so that the old Commonwealth whose blood has drenched to a mire the soil of Virginia, will have her quota ready in advance of all other States, as in the beginning. Do put your shoulder to the wheel, and help the great cause in which we all feel so deep an interest.

To Charles G. Potter, North Adams,—

The quota of your town is sixty-eight men. If you can raise a full company, so much the better. We are sadly in want of men to fill up our regiments at the seat of war, as well as to fill up the new regiments. I find, however, that the towns and cities are taking hold nobly, each to get its quota; and I feel confident that Massachusetts will have her contingent filled in advance of any other State. Should a company be raised in Adams, I have no doubt His Excellency would commission officers from that town, if they are qualified for the positions. Let every man take hold and recruit.

To G. B. Weston, Duxbury,—

I send, as you requested, an enlistment-roll; also, a copy of General Order No. 26. I sincerely hope that no town will cease its efforts until it has its quota enlisted. I feel greatly encouraged to-day. The towns have taken hold of the matter with spirit and liberality; and I feel, that, before the end of the month, we shall have sent forward a large share of the men. When you have yours ready, inform me, and I will send you transportation for them to camp.

July 10.—To Artemas Hale, Bridgewater,—

The term of enlistment is for three years, or to the end of the war, which, I think, we may see before winter comes in, if we are only prepared now to send on our quota. I have great encouragement; the towns are taking hold with great spirit; some of them have already furnished their quotas. The President is extremely anxious to have the Governor forward our Massachusetts men. We want to be first in this, as we were in the beginning.

Hon. H. Hosford, Mayor of Lowell,—

We are not expecting a requisition to draft troops, as we expect to get the quota of the State without a draft; and I think there is no doubt of it, if the large towns do as well as the small ones are doing, [345] and promise to do. I beg of you, Mr. Mayor, to exert all your influence to have Lowell furnish its quota. The demand is urgent and imperative. The President and Cabinet are all anxious that Massachusetts should lead in this, the second campaign of the war, as she did in the first. Should Lowell furnish its quota, and other towns should fail, to Lowell will be the honor.

To J. R. Comstock, Blackstone,—

Make such arrangements for getting your quota as may to you seem best. We want the men; and as soon as your forty-two are recruited, or any portion of them, notify me, or Colonel Lincoln, in command of “Camp Wool,” who will furnish transportation. Any person you will name to assist you recruit I will appoint, and give him papers. Do hurry on the men: we want them sadly.

To N. S. Kimball, Haverhill,—

The towns that raise their quotas will be exempt from any draft, under the present requisition for fifteen thousand men. I hope you will do every thing in your power to hurry the men along: we are very much in need of them, and must have them.

To John A. Goodwin, Lowell,—

Before a captain and second lieutenant can be commissioned and mustered in, the company must be full. The first lieutenant can be mustered when the company is half full. This will explain why Mr. Thompson is not commissioned. I do not say the rules of the service are wise; indeed, I think they are unwise. Let Lowell fill up the companies, and then the commissions will come.

To James T. Sumner, Canton,—

You can enlist persons under twenty-one years, if their parents or guardians give their consent. As to enlisting under eighteen years of age, I doubt the expediency of it, unless they have an extraordinary physical development. You may enlist men over forty-five, if they are hale, vigorous, and free from physical defect. I beg of you to hurry on the work: you have little idea of the terrible pressure upon us for men from Washington.

To Edwin F. Whitney, Holliston,—

The proportion for each town, under General Order No. 26, was based upon the returns received at this office from the several cities and towns of the Commonwealth. They were presumed to be correct. [346] I do not see how a change can now be made. We are sadly in want of men; and I sincerely hope that there will be no delay in getting your quota: you have no idea of the great and important demand there is for them.

We have quoted from letters written by the Adjutant-General, in the three days immediately succeeding the issuing of General Order No. 26, to show the activity which prevailed in his department, and in the cities and towns of the Commonwealth, to obtain recruits, and fill the contingent of fifteen thousand men, assigned to this State. This activity increased, and the feelings of the people intensified, until the men were recruited. To facilitate recruiting, and accommodate the people in the extreme western part of the State, a camp of rendezvous was established in Pittsfield, which was named ‘Camp Briggs,’ in honor of Colonel Briggs, of the Tenth Regiment, —a native of Berkshire, and a citizen of Pittsfield, who had distinguished himself in the battles before Richmond, in one of which he was severely wounded. He was appointed by the President a brigadier-general of volunteers; and, after recovering from his wounds, served to the end of the war.

As evidence of the activity with which the people entered into the business of recruiting, and the success which attended it, it may be noted that, within two months from the day General Order No. 26 was issued, upwards of four thousand men had been recruited for the old regiments at the seat of war, and sent forward to the front. Four new companies to complete the Thirty-second Regiment, and nine new regiments, had been filled to the maximum, and completely organized, and fully equipped; and eight of them had left the State, and entered upon active duty. The three companies for the Thirty-second Regiment left the State Aug. 20; the Thirty-third Regiment, Colonel Maggi, Aug. 11; the Thirty-fourth, Colonel Wells, Aug. 12; the Thirty-fifth, Colonel Wild, Aug. 22; The Thirty-sixth, Colonel Bowman, Aug. 31; the Thirty-seventh, Colonel Edwards, Sept. 5; the Thirty-eighth, Colonel Ingraham, Aug. 24; the Thirty-ninth, Colonel Davis, Sept. 6; the Fortieth, Lieutenant-Colonel Dalton, Sept. 8. All of these regiments were ordered to report to the Adjutant-General of the army, at Washington. [347] The Forty-first Regiment, Colonel Chickering, left the State Nov. 5, and was ordered to report to Major-General Banks, at New York, who had superseded Major-General Butler in command of the Department of the Gulf, and who was then in New York, superintending the embarkation of troops destined for his command. The Forty-first Regiment sailed from New York, direct for New Orleans.

In addition to the nine new regiments, and the four thousand men recruited for the regiments in the field, two new batteries —the Ninth and Tenth—were recruited and organized within the same period. The Ninth Battery, Captain De Vecchi, left the State Aug. 21; and the Tenth, Captain Sleeper, Oct. 6,— with orders to report to the Adjutant-General of the army, at Washington. Thus, within three months from the date of the receipt of orders from Washington, Massachusetts had furnished her contingent of fifteen thousand men; had sent forward nine new regiments and two light batteries, completely armed, clothed, and equipped, to swell the number of those already in the field, and more than four thousand men to fill the gaps in the old regiments, which the waste of war had caused. To these noble men, and to those who preceded them, not a dollar of bounty was paid by the Commonwealth.

Rapidly as this contingent of fifteen thousand men had been recruited, it was but half filled, when President Lincoln, on the 4th of August, issued another call, for three hundred thousand more men, to serve for nine months, of which, by some process of arithmetic known only to the authorities in Washington, the proportion assigned to Massachusetts was nineteen thousand and ninety men. These men were to be raised by ‘draft, in accordance with orders from the War Department, and the laws of the several States.’

Early in July, Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, and General Buckingham, of the War Department, visited Massachusetts to ascertain, by personal examination and conference, the means best calculated to encourage enlistments and raise volunteers. The Adjutant-General had a long and satisfactory interview with these gentlemen, and gave them his views at length, which he was requested to put in writing, and forward to Washington. [348] In accordance with which request, on the 7th of July, he wrote a letter to Secretary Seward, giving his thoughts upon recruiting, from which we make a few extracts:—

1st, We should be allowed a band of ten musicians for each camp, to enliven the men and cause attraction. This proposition I made when you were here, and I understood you and General Buckingham to accede to it; but I wish to have the authority in writing, so it may go on file. The cost for each camp will be about four hundred dollars a month.

2d, There should be a commissioned officer in each of the camps to muster in recruits as soon as they arrive in camp. We now have to depend upon Captain Goodhue, who is stationed in Boston; but his time is so taken up that he can but seldom go to the camp at Worcester. The senior officer in command of any camp ought to have authority to muster recruits.

3d, Officers authorized to raise companies should be commissioned, and draw pay, from the time they begin recruiting, with the understanding, that, unless the company is raised in a reasonable time, the commissions shall be cancelled. As it now is, the men who recruit spend their time and money without receiving any pay for their services. Why should not their pay begin when their labors begin?

4th, We are too much hedged in with army regulations and army officers. Our tents should be floored; but the United States officers won't pay the bills, because the regulations don't allow it. In order to get recruits, the camps should be made comfortable and attractive. It is the denial of these little things which annoys officers and men. It was a great mistake when the recruiting was taken from the State authorities, and put in charge of army officers: they move slowly, and appear to have no enthusiasm.

Please have this letter given to General Buckingham, and request him to let me know what we may be authorized to do. I think he can have the fifteen thousand men in the time you stated: only give us a little margin, and keep us as much as possible under State authority.

The suggestions made by the Adjutant-General were substantially complied with: a band was engaged for each camp; a lieutenant for each company was commissioned; flooring was allowed for camp-tents, and the recruiting was put under the control of the State authorities,—the army officers auditing and paying the bills, and mustering in the recruits. [349]

On the 27th of July, the Governor received a telegram from President Lincoln, making inquiry as to the condition of the new Massachusetts regiments, which the Governor answered by letter on the 28th. He spoke encouragingly, and said,—

Our main effort is to fill up our regiments already in the field. The small towns are doing well towards furnishing their quotas, and are sending large numbers of recruits to old regiments. I wish it were possible that all our recruits could go to them. But some have an invincible prejudice for new organizations. If I could but have power to do what needs to be done, without waiting for others to move until people are angry and disgusted, we could make much faster progress in filling the old regiments.

Having been advised that informal representations had been made to Secretary Seward by the British consul in Boston, that ‘he had received many complaints from poor British subjects, who are made intoxicated, and then enlisted as volunteers, that the protests which they had made on recovering their senses are not listened to, and that the interference of the consul had hitherto been fruitless,’ the Governor addressed a letter to Marquis Lousada, Her Majesty's consul in Boston, in which he said the recruitment of all volunteer regiments, until they are organized and their muster-rolls completed, was under his exclusive control; but in no instance had any complaints of the nature described, from any source, been made; nor had he been advised, in any instance, of an interference by the British consul. He would be obliged, therefore, if the consul would make known to him all cases of enlistments such as described, that the wrong done to the parties might be repaired; and if any future cases should occur, when brought to his notice, they would receive immediate attention. We are disposed to believe that comparatively few cases of this nature occurred. Those of which complaint was made were referred to the Adjutant-General to investigate, with directions to report the facts to the Governor. We cannot call to mind a dozen cases during the entire period of the war.

The Governor having heard a report that BrigadierGen-eral Couch intended to resign his commission in the army in consequence of injustice done him, wrote a strong, friendly [350] letter, dissuading him from his purpose. The letter was sent to Harrison's Landing, Va., and did not reach General Couch, as he had come home to Massachusetts on short leave, to regain his health and strength. The Governor therefore wrote him again, on the 28th of July, representing to him ‘the great need our country has of all good officers and patriots,’ and assuring him that his fame as a soldier was not to be tarnished by official neglect or oversight, however hard to bear. ‘It would give me,’ the Governor says, ‘and all my staff, great pleasure to be assured you have no intention of leaving the army till this war is ended.’

General Couch had raised the Seventh Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers, and was commissioned the colonel of it. Whether he intended, at this time, to tender his resignation as brigadier-general, and retire from the service, we have no positive knowledge. We know, however, that he did not resign, but served, like a gallant soldier and gentleman, until the end of the war; and rose, by his bravery and merit, to the rank of major-general and corps commander.

On the 23d of July, Brigadier-General Buckingham, of the War Department, addressed a circular letter to the Governors of States, calling their attention to the great number of officers and soldiers in their respective States who had obtained furloughs on account of wounds and sickness, but who had recovered, and were overstaying their time. On the receipt of this, the Governor prepared a circular, calling the attention of the public to the matters complained of, in which he said,—

Except cowardice in the field, there is no baser offence than absence, from their regiments, of officers and men who ought to be back to their posts. In some cases, these soldiers delay here from ignorance how to return to their regiments; all such should be instructed by their more intelligent neighbors. Let all who are guilty be shamed into an immediate return to their regiments: if they will not voluntarily return, they are deserters, and should be arrested, and sent back.

The evils complained of existed in all the States, to a very great extent, and could only be eradicated by organized effort on the part of the States and the nation. [351]

On the 1st of August, the Governor wrote a long letter to Secretary Stanton, complaining of the want of officers to muster in recruits at the several camps; the only one detailed on that duty in the State being Captain Goodhue, of the regular service.

‘Why not,’ the Governor asks, ‘appoint Colonel William Raymond Lee, and Captains Putnam and Bartlett, of the Massachusetts Twentieth; Major Robert H. Stevenson, of the Twenty-fourth, mustering officers?—all of them now at home, wounded, and unfit to return to the field, but anxious and eager to work. The want of mustering officers has cost us hundreds of men, infinite trouble, and sometimes insubordination in camps where the men have not yet been mustered.’

This request was, in part, complied with, and more army officers were detailed to attend the camps, and muster in men.

The following permission to recruit we find on the Governor's files, in his own handwriting, dated Aug. 1:—

In consequence of the request of the town of Marblehead, made by a legal town meeting, held yesterday,—a copy of the record which is handed me, attested by the town clerk,—I appoint, at the nomination of the other gentlemen who came to represent the town, Samuel Roads, Esq., additional recruiting agent for Marblehead. He will co-operate with the town's committee, and use his influence to forward the enlistment; and I ask the good people of Marblehead to support and help him with all their hearts and hands.

As the town authorities throughout the State were authorized, under general orders, to recruit the quotas of their towns, we suspect that the people of the good town of Marblehead thought their selectmen were not as active in the discharge of this peculiar duty as they wished to have them, and therefore held a town meeting on the subject.

On the 1st of August, the Governor detailed Colonel William R. Lee, Twentieth Regiment, ‘to establish a camp of rendezvous at Pittsfield, for all recruits who may offer, and be found competent.’ The United States mustering and disbursing officers in Boston were to furnish such material from their departments as might be necessary. [352]

On the 2d of August, the Governor received from Major-General Hooker the following letter, dated Harrison's Landing, James River, Va., July 29; the same being in answer to one written on the 24th, by Governor Andrew:—

The fate of Major Chandler is still involved in mystery. I have heard of his having been in Richmond, and also of his having been seen on his way to Boston; but, in tracing up these reports, I regret to say, that I have not been able to satisfy myself that he is still numbered with the living. I may also add, that this is the opinion of his regiment.

Major Chandler was a young gentleman of much promise. He was major of the First Regiment, and was killed at one of the battles before Richmond. His body never was found, nor was any information ever received concerning him after it was ascertained he was missing. He went into battle with his regiment, and never returned. His simple epitaph might be, ‘He lived and died for his country.’

Some time in June or July, the Surgeon-General of the army established military hospitals at different posts for the accommodation of the sick and wounded, and issued rigid orders against their removal to their homes. These orders caused great dissatisfaction among the families of the sick and wounded soldiers, who asked that their suffering sons, husbands, and brothers might be released from army hospitals, and cared for at their homes. These orders, for a time, were very unpopular, and had a prejudicial effect upon recruiting. We find, on the files of the Governor, the Adjutant-General, and Surgeon-General, a great many letters, complaining of these arbitrary and ‘cruel orders,’ from persons whose relatives, wounded and sick, were retained in the hospitals, and refused transportation to their homes. Many letters were written the State officials; and the Governor sent Colonel Frank E. Howe to Washington, ‘for the purpose of attempting to procure some mitigation of the rigor of the present system.’ The system, however, remained in force; and, like other usages of war, the people acquiesced in them as among the severities required for the good of the cause. [353]

Of Joseph W. Wheelwright,—who had raised a number of men, and who had reason to expect a command, but, for military reasons, the men whom he had recruited had been placed in other regiments to complete their organizations, thus leaving him without a command or a commission, —the Governor wrote to the Adjutant-General, Aug. 8,—

Mr. Wheelwright is very deserving. There are circumstances connected with his domestic life which entitle his case to especial consideration. I rely on you, by hook or by crook, in working over the Thirty-fifth, to find a place for a lieutenancy for him; and I am desirous that this shall be effected, if, by any possibility, it can be done.

The request is another evidence of the kind and considerate regard which the Governor always evinced for deserving and patriotic men. Mr. Wheelwright, was commissioned a second lieutenant in the Thirty-second Regiment, and died in the service, Jan. 18, 1863.

Meanwhile, the recruiting was going on, and with success greater than was at first believed could be attained. The great desire of the Governor was to fill up our regiments in the field, rather than to recruit new ones. The generals in the army had written to him, urging the importance of this duty; among whom was Major-General McClellan, whose letter, dated July 15, was answered by the Governor on the 21st, in which he said he should ‘zealously and studiously seek to promote the measures and methods touching the new enlistments which you have advised.’ They fully accorded with his own views, had been expressed in his general orders in regard to recruiting.

It is much more difficult to induce men to go into old corps than to join new ones. For this there are general reasons, some specious, but all of them superficial. . . . You may depend upon it, I shall turn a deaf ear to every resigning officer, unless I have the amplest proofs of his ability, gallantry, and innocence of any offending cause for resignation. I deeply regret that so many officers of the volunteer army have disappointed the expectations formed of them.

The Governor adds, that he had appointed Colonel Ritchie, of his personal staff, to visit all the Massachusetts regiments [354] in the Army of the Potomac, and to report to him their condition, and the names of the proper persons to be commissioned to fill existing vacancies of field and line officers. Of Colonel Ritchie's report to the Governor we have spoken in the preceding chapter, and from it made several extracts.

On the 26th of July, Major-General Fitz-John Porter wrote to the Governor a letter, from Harrison's Landing, Va., which was promulgated in special orders July 30, in which he said,—

It affords me great gratification to express to you my admiration for the noble conduct of the troops from your State, under my command, in the late actions before Richmond. No troops could have behaved better than did the Ninth and Twenty-second Regiments and Martin's Battery (the Third), and portions of Allen's (the Fifth), or done more to add to our success. Their thinned ranks tell of their trials; the brave men lost, their heroic dead, and gallant conduct, and devotion to their country. Their discipline was never excelled; and now, with undaunted hearts, they await, with confidence of success, the order to advance. I hope you will be able to send on men to fill their depleted ranks, even in parties of ten, as fast as recruited. A few men joining us now gives great heart to all men, and adds to our strength nearly five times the same number in new regiments.

The call issued on the 4th of August, by the President of the United States, for three hundred thousand men for nine months service, added materially to the labors of the Governor and the different departments of the State. These men were to be drafted. The number which Massachusetts was called upon to furnish was nineteen thousand and ninety. Regulations for the enrolment and draft were issued from the War Department Aug. 9, and additional regulations were issued on the 14th of August, directing that the quotas should be apportioned by the Governors of States among the several counties and subdivisions of counties, so that allowances should be made for all volunteers previously furnished and mustered into the United States service, whose stipulated terms of service had not expired. To make this new enrolment, and establish the number of men which each town and city must furnish to complete its proportion of the nineteen thousand and ninety men subject to draft, required great labor and accuracy of statement. It threw an immense weight [355] of responsibility upon the Adjutant-General, whose duties were already extremely arduous, and increased in a great degree the labors of the office. This was so apparent to the Governor, that he appointed, on the 23d of August, William Rogers, Esq., of Boston, second Assistant Adjutant-General, with the rank of major, who was specially intrusted with the superintendence of all matters connected with the enrolment and allotment of the quotas which each city and town was required to furnish; a duty which he discharged with scrupulous fidelity and unquestioned accuracy. But, as Massachusetts furnished her contingent within a reasonable time by voluntary enlistments, a draft was avoided. The enrolment, however, which was made at this time, the credits which were allowed to the several municipalities of the Commonwealth for men already furnished by them, and the proportion which they were required to furnish under this call, remained as a basis upon which the quotas of the cities and towns were apportioned, from that time until the end of the war; the particulars and details of which can be found in the Annual Report of the Adjutant-General for the year 1862, but need not be enlarged upon in these pages.

From the beginning to the end of the Rebellion, the Governor, the city and town authorities, and the people of the Commonwealth, were opposed to a draft, and labored to avoid it. Upon these, and kindred matters, Governor Andrew, on the 8th of August, sent a letter to President Lincoln, from which we make the following extracts:—

I sent by mail, last night, to General Buckingham, a copy of Massachusetts Militia Laws, and remarks. If you will call on me, by requisition, for our quota of militia for nine months duty immediately, asking for so many regiments, we can answer the call, in great part, without a draft, by sending our militia regiments already organized, and being filled up, and by recruiting new ones. The iron is hot: strike quick. Drafting is mechanical: the impulse of patriotism is vital and dynamic.

Call for our militia brigade, under General Davis, a competent officer, as part of Massachusetts militia quota, communicating to us, at same time, number of militia regiments required for our whole quota. [356] His brigade includes four regiments of infantry, all of which, if called for now for nine months, can be filled to maximum, and march by first of September. Exclude the artillery and cavalry of brigade, if you desire only infantry. It will begin a three days encampment, under State laws, next Wednesday. If requisition is made for brigade, this encampment can be continued right on till brigade is ready to march to war. Davis's military capacity is unquestioned. I have thrice offered him colonelcies of volunteers.

All leading merchants here have signed agreement, that their employes who enlist shall resume their employment when returned. I am confident of getting more volunteers and militia this month by enlistments, and by wheeling militia men into line, than conscription could bring in same time. Meanwhile, will be preparing machinery for draft.

Our people want nothing to spur them, but assurance from Washington that the enemy shall be conquered, and right vindicated at all hazards by our arms. They will go, if the flag may but advance with all the principles it symbolizes. The enemy has spurned constitutional rights, and chosen belligerent rights. Let them have one or the other, but not both. They having elected the latter, let us give them full measure. Give us the grand inspiration of duty to country, human nature, and God, and the people are heroic, invincible, and always ready.

The Governor had written a few days before to the Secretary of War, complaining of the delay practised by the United-States officers stationed here in paying the bounties and month's pay to recruits after being mustered in. On the 11th of August, Secretary Stanton telegraphs a reply to this letter, and also to the telegram sent to the President, from which we have quoted,—

Answer to your telegram of the 8th, to the President, has been delayed, in order to obtain information from some other States as to the condition of enlistments. Requisitions for enlistments and bounty funds were delayed some days in the Treasury unavoidably; but I am informed that the amount required for your State has gone forward. I see no objection to making the call upon your State for militia in the manner indicated by you, especially if it will hasten the arrival of troops; but I do not see how we can call for any specific brigade. You can turn over the regiments constituting Davis's brigade as a part of the call. Time is of the utmost importance in the organization.

[357]

The brigade of nine months men was never accepted, although the regiments which composed General Davis's command were recruited to the maximum, mustered in, and sent to the front. What the Governor said of General Davis was just and true. He was commissioned colonel of the Thirty-ninth Regiment, three years volunteers, Aug. 29, 1862, which joined the Army of the Potomac; and was killed in action, July 11, 1864.

On the 11th of August, after receiving the telegram above quoted, the Governor wrote to President Lincoln,—

I can't get these regiments off, because I can't get quick, energetic work out of the United States disbursing officer and the paymaster. I cannot start our men in violation of my authorized proclamation and promises. Everybody here is alive; men swarm our camps; we will raise regiments, until you cry hold. But why not turn over the funds to me, and we will disburse and account for them and stop delays.

On the 12th of August, the Governor telegraphs the Secretary of War,—

The nine months regiments, which are organizing, will be put into camp at once, and under strict discipline. May I go on, and make requisitions for quartermaster's and commissary's supplies, as for three years men?

Authority was given. On the same, he writes to Brigadier-General Briggs, who was in Boston on wounded furlough,—

As you have expressed a wish to do some service for the State while waiting here, I ask you, as a great favor, to repair to Worcester to-morrow, to inspect the condition of the Thirty-sixth Regiment, and make a report to me as to its organization,—conferring with me and with the Adjutant-General before leaving.

Aug. 13.—Governor telegraphs Adjutant-General Thomas, Washington, ‘Can the nine months militia of Massachusetts be mustered in now, and as fast as they present themselves? Please answer at once.’ Leave was only given to have them mustered in by full companies. On the same day, he telegraphed to Assistant Adjutant-General Townsend, ‘Please telegraph whether furloughs granted between July 31 [358] and Aug. 11 are revoked by General Order 92 of July 31.’ On the same day, Colonel Browne, by direction of the Governor, forwards to John M. Forbes copies of certain papers in relation to supplies furnished by Mr. Forbes to our prisoners of war in Richmond, Va., with information that ‘the Quartermaster-General of the Commonwealth will have pleasure in adjusting with you your account against the State for funds advanced by you for the supplies mentioned; and the Governor directs me to renew to you, officially and personally, the expression of his thanks for your generous kindness in this transaction.’

Among the letters and papers transmitted to Mr. Forbes by Colonel Browne was the following by Adjutant Peirson of the Twentieth Regiment, dated Camp Lee, Poolesville, Md., March 8, 1862, and addressed to Colonel Browne:—

By special request of His Excellency Governor Andrew, I have the honor to report, that while a prisoner of war in Richmond, Va., I received a letter of credit from John M. Forbes, Esq., for $1,000. A portion of this money, $475, I expended for the benefit of enlisted men belonging to various Massachusetts regiments, and confined in Richmond and other places in Southern States. On being released and sent home, I left the balance subject to the draft of AssistantSur-geon E. H. R. Revere, Twentieth Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers, with instructions to expend it, as I had already done, for luxuries for the sick and necessities for the well. He will report to you for the balance in his hands. You will pardon my omitting to make a more detailed report, as I write while in the field and under marching orders.

Another letter is from Assistant-Surgeon Revere, in which he states, that, after the departure from Richmond of Lieutenant Peirson, he had no occasion to draw on the letter of credit furnished by Mr. Forbes. He inclosed a copy of the account of Messrs. Enders, Sutton, & Co., with Lieutenant Peirson, which statement merely shows that the amount drawn by Lieutenant Peirson was $475.

The whole matter had been laid before the Executive Council by the Governor, and by them it was voted that the sum expended should be reimbursed to Mr. Forbes, principal and [359] interest. This transaction, although not of a great pecuniary amount, is interesting, as showing the warm sympathy which Mr. Forbes felt in the welfare of our prisoners, the scrupulous honesty of the officers intrusted to disburse the money, and the determination of the Governor and Council that the sum thus expended should be assumed by the State.

On the fourteenth day of August, the Governor writes to Joseph F. Hitchcock, Warren,—

It gives me great pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letter dated this day, which makes known to me the patriotic action of the citizens of Warren at the meeting held last evening, at which, you inform me, thirty persons volunteered to make up the quota of your town under the draft ordered by the President of the United States. I am pleased, also, to learn of the prompt zeal with which the quota of the town of Warren, under the first call, has been brought into camp; it reflects great honor upon the town. In reply to the question contained in your letter, I would cordially recommend that the people of Warren unite with some of the neighboring towns, and present a full company, as suggested by you.

On the same day, he wrote to Captain Lucius Slade, of Boston, commanding the Boston Lancers,—

I assure you that it is quite impossible for any one who is not with me to understand how hard I work to put into the new regiments as commissioned officers our fine young fellows who are now in service, and how consistently and unanimously I am opposed in this policy by city and town officers, and committees claiming to represent the wishes of their vicinities, who all demand that their own townspeople shall be appointed as officers of the companies they have raised. I work in all the soldiers that I can, but still must usually give men belonging to their own towns.

Aug. 15.—The Governor sends telegram to Secretary Stanton, that the Thirty-third Regiment, Colonel Maggi, left for Washington the day before, and that the Thirty-fourth, Colonel Wells, would leave that day. The Governor then says,—

In the material of their men, these regiments are excelled by no others Massachusetts has sent. If it shall be necessary to send them immediately into the field, it is the desire of Maggi to be assigned to [360] Sigel, and of Wells to Banks; and I should like to have their wishes gratified. Both these regiments would have gone a week ago, but for the delay in giving them their bounty and advance pay.

These regiments were assigned as desired. Colonel Maggi, of the Thirty-third, resigned his commission April 1, 1863. Colonel George D. Wells, of the Thirty-fourth, a judge of the Police Court of Boston when the war broke out, who accepted the commission of lieutenant-colonel in the First Massachusetts Regiment of Infantry, three years volunteers, and who had signalized himself for bravery and military ability in the campaign on Richmond, was killed in action, Oct. 13, 1864, and was brevetted brigadier-general of volunteers by the President of the United States for brave and meritorious services.

The same day (Aug. 15), the Governor writes to Hon. Carver Hotchkiss, Shelburne Falls:—

For more than a month I have been engaged in a constant struggle with town officers to get deserving men from the field appointed to lieutenancies and captaincies in the new regiments, in preference to ignorant civilians, who have every thing military yet to learn. In most instances, I have failed, owing to the necessity I am under of hastening enlistments as much as possible, and to the town authorities declaring, officially and individually, that they cannot raise men unless men at home, and from civil life, are appointed officers; and owing also to the fact that the Administration will allow no man to be appointed from the field, until all the men are raised whom he is to command. The result is, that I have on my files several hundred of applications from prominent officers of Burnside's army and of the Army of the Potomac and of Virginia, recommending the promotion, into new regiments, of men who have distinguished themselves in the field for uniform good conduct and great bravery. Your son's name is among the number, and, as with the rest, I should be glad to put him anywhere that a place could be found for him; but, as with the rest, I seek in vain for such a place. If a new company of three years men is being raised by your town and its neighbors, and you can connect your son with its organization instead of some inexperienced man, who in the natural course of affairs might otherwise be injected there, that would afford me the opportunity.

It is proper to state here that the evil complained of in the [361] above letter naturally grew out of the system adhered to by the War Department, by not allowing men who had distinguished themselves in service to come home and recruit men for the new regiments, so as to be commissioned officers when the regiment was raised. The town authorities were anxious to fill their quotas; and in every town there were young men in every way qualified, except by practical experience in war, to have commissions. They exerted themselves to raise men, and many enlisted because of their exertion, who preferred that these men whom they knew should be their officers. Hence it was, that, while the Governor wished to appoint officers from the regiments in the field, the town authorities, and the recruits themselves, wished to have men commissioned who had aided in recruiting, and who were personally known to the recruits themselves. Many letters were written by the Governor in regard to this matter; but the evil being chronic, and beyond his power to cure, it continued until the end of the war.

It would appear by the following letter, written by Colonel Browne, to Cyrus W. Francis, Yale College, New Haven, Ct., that the first attempt to enlist colored volunteers was by Governor Sprague, of Rhode Island,—

By direction of Governor Andrew, I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, and to reply, advising you to place yourself in communication and co-operation with the Governor of Rhode Island, on the subject of the enlistment of the company of colored men as volunteers. It will be essential to the recruitment of the colored regiment commenced by Governor Sprague, that the colored population of other States shall contribute towards it, the number of persons of African descent in the State of Rhode Island alone being insufficient for the purpose.

It is proper and just, however, to say that the first regiment of colored troops, of which we shall have more to say hereafter, was raised in Massachusetts.

On the twenty-fourth day of August, the Governor addressed the following letter to Hon. J. G. Abbott, Boston:—

My dear Sir,—Not merely a certain official relation towards a brave young man, a citizen of Massachusetts and a soldier of the Union lately sustained and now severed, but a sincere sympathy with [362] his father, whom, after all, I can scarcely call bereaved, invites me, after a brief space of respectful silence, to offer my humble word of friendship and consolation. An acquaintance of many years, less familiar perhaps than it had been useful to me had the opportunity existed, assures me that the resources of the mind of the man will do much to alleviate the grief and desolation which must depress the heart of the father. And, while I know that nothing I can suggest will not have been anticipated, I venture to hope, that a simple and earnest expression of natural and human sympathy will be received and valued, if only for the sake of the kindness with which it is meant. I have frequently been impressed, my dear sir, with the manly spirit with which you have repeatedly and freely offered your sons to your country; and now that, in the providence of God, one of them has been verily taken, I would that it were in my power, by a feather's weight even, to soften the blow. But I rejoice to bear my hearty testimony, which is all that I can do, to the constant, uniform, and conspicuous merit, as a soldier and a gentleman, of the son you have given. I think you will always have a right to remember, with the pride equalled only by parental love, that our inheritance in a Commonwealth is made richer and nobler by the memories of such dear and brave boys of Massachusetts, whose young lives, consecrated even to death, were beautiful testimonies of the preciousness of our birthright and the worth of liberty. I pray leave, my dear sir, to offer, through yourself, to your family my respectful sympathy and respect.

This beautiful and touching letter was written to Mr. Abbott on the death of his son, Edward G. Abbott, who was killed in action, Aug. 9, 1862. He was a captain in the Second Regiment Massachusetts Infantry. Mr. Abbott had two sons in the war,—one in the Second, and one in the Twentieth Regiment. His other son, Henry L. Abbott, went out a captain in the Twentieth Regiment, rose to the rank of major, and was killed in the Wilderness, May 6, 1864. They were young men of great promise, born and reared in the city of Lowell, graduates of Harvard College, and both now lie beneath a soldiers' monument in the cemetery of their native city. These were all the sons of the family.

On the twenty-third day of August, an executive order was issued, of which the following is a copy:—

This order was very generally observed throughout the Commonwealth, until the thirty-four thousand men which we were to raise were organized into regiments, and sent forward to the war.

In the appointment of field officers for the new three years regiments, the Governor determined to appoint men who had seen service, and who had given unquestionable evidence of bravery and military capacity. Accordingly, he wrote to Mr. Stanton, at different times, for the discharge of Captain Bates, of the Twelfth Regiment, to be commissioned major of the Thirty-third; Lieutenant-Colonel Batchelder, of the Thirteenth, and others, that they might be promoted to higher commands in new regiments. It appears that these applications met with serious opposition from army officers, as we find on the Governor's files a letter, dated Aug. 24, addressed to Mr. Stanton, in which he says,—

I am right, no matter what the army officers think or say, in asking you for some officers to be promoted in the new regiments. Our old ones have plenty of men well worthy of promotion; and, when I take out an officer, I merely make it weaker by one man: a good man below him stands ready to make good the place vacated. In a new regiment just marching to the field, a few good fellows, who know what camp life and battles are, are valuable beyond price to all the rest of the command. Batchelder, of the Thirteenth, is not needed there. That regiment could furnish officers for a whole regiment outside of itself, and be no more weakened than is a bird by laying its eggs. It is remarkable for its excellence of material. . . . I beg you, my dear sir, to forgive my explicitness; for I know that if here, where you could cross-examine me, you would be satisfied I am right.

[364] Aug. 25.—Governor telegraphs Mr. Stanton,—

We have now recruited thirteen thousand eight hundred and one men for three years, under July requisition. Nothing done afternoons in Massachusetts but recruiting. Balance of quota sure. So will be militia quota. If supplies are ready, I mean the old Sixth Regiment, of Baltimore memory, to march the first day of September. No draft can be useful or expedient here.

One of the greatest hardships which Massachusetts and other maritime States had to bear in furnishing their quotas of the several calls for troops made by the President, was the refusal of Congress to allow credits for men serving in the navy. It bore with peculiar weight upon the towns in Barnstable, Nantucket, Essex, Suffolk, Plymouth, and Norfolk Counties, which had sent many thousand men into the navy, but had received no credit for them, and no reduction of their contingent for the army. It was not until 1864, after Massachusetts had sent upwards of twenty-three thousand men into the navy, that credits were allowed by Congress for the men who manned our frigates, under Porter and Farragut, watched blockade-runners, and sealed the Southern ports. Governor Andrew had frequently spoken of the injustice of Congress in refusing to allow these credits, and had exerted himself to the utmost to effect a change. On the 27th of August, he telegraphed to Governor Washburn, of Maine,—

Has Maine succeeded in obtaining an allowance on her men in the navy towards the army draft? If not, does she propose to be content without such an allowance? How can some towns possibly fill their quotas without it?

On the same day in which the above was written, Governor Andrew drew up a form of a letter, addressed to President Lincoln, which was sent to the Governors of the New-England States, which, if approved, they were requested to sign. The letter received their sanction and their signatures, and was forwarded to the President of the United States. It read as follows:—

We unite in respectfully but most urgently presenting to your attention the inequality of the militia draft among the States, caused [365] by withholding every allowance for men sent into the naval service. The New-England States have many thousands of volunteers in the national navy, belonging chiefly to the sea-coast counties, which are nevertheless to be subject to the same draft as the counties in the inland States. So great is this inequality, that, if the draft is to be vigorously imposed on some of our seaports without making this allowance, it will absorb the whole male population of those towns within the limits of the military age.

The letter produced no change; and the towns referred to succeeded in filling their quotas by inducing persons to enlist from other places to their credit.

On the 28th of August, the Adjutant-General reported to the Governor thus:—

In recruiting the nine months men, we meet with obstacles at every step. The mustering officer refuses to muster them in until a regiment is full. Now he also refuses to furnish transportation for the recruits to camp, and there is no way to get them to camp unless the State assumes the responsibility, or the officers and men pay their fares from their own means. As this is a matter of serious importance, I ask your Excellency's orders what to do.

The same day, the Governor telegraphed these facts to Mr. Stanton, and added,—

We have more than five thousand nine months men ready to go into service immediately, who have abandoned their avocations, and ask only to be received at once, but are repressed and discouraged by these repulses. If I were capable of discouragement, I should be almost discouraged by the obstacles which block my efforts at every turn. If the whole recruitment, transportation, and equipment were left to the State as last year, we should be a month ahead of our present position.

Mr. Stanton telegraphed, that it was by law impossible for him to put the recruitment of the militia, and the disbursement of the funds, into the hands of the Governor; to which he wrote a long and able reply, showing that all reason and experience proves the absolute necessity that human affairs should be controlled from the centre, and not from the circumference. He says,— [366]

Perhaps we are doing as well as other States; but it nearly drives me mad when I see the American armies running before a generation of scoundrels, and American liberty almost prostrate before a power which challenges government itself, outrages humanity, and defies God; and when I know the full strength and power of our Massachusetts people is unused, and incapable of being fully used, by reason simply of formal and mechanical defects of system and method, I feel as if we absolutely did nothing. Our State is one vast camp; the people, from midday until midnight, close their shops and stores, and work for the recruitment. God only knows whether the President will ever burst his bonds of Border-Stateism and McClellan: but the people somehow are blessed with an instinct of faith, before which, I believe, mountains themselves will move; and I work with the same confidence and zeal as if I knew that they had moved already. I believe that Providence has made too great an investment, alike in the history and in the capacity of this people, to permit their ruin. I am sure you feel as I do; and if I had a power of speech which could raise the dead, like the trumpet of an archangel, or if words could blister the granite rocks of Mount Washington, still, no voice nor language could express the sentiments of emotion which befit the occasion and the hour.

An arrangement was made, at this time, for the Governors of the New-England States to meet, as if accidentally, at the Commencement of Brown University, in Providence, on the 3d of September, ‘for an hour of frank and uninterrupted conversation.’ The meeting was held; but no intimation of what was discussed, or what was done, appears upon the Executive files.

In the latter part of August, the scene of active war was changed from before Richmond, to the army under General Pope, before Washington. The losses in the Union army were very great. The Secretary of War telegraphed the Governor to send forward additional surgeons to take charge of the sick and wounded. Surgeon-General Dale was directed to make arrangements to comply with the request, and to send forward hospital stores. On the 1st of September, the Governor telegraphed to Mr. Stanton,—

In obedience to your telegram received at five o'clock, Saturday afternoon, eleven first-rate surgeons started immediately; thirty more [367] left Massachusetts yesterday, —all regularly detailed by our Surgeon-General, under your order,—and all surgeons of high character and ability: also, nine car-loads of hospital stores left Boston last night.

On the fifteenth day of September, the Governor wrote to the Secretary of War, recommending the appointment of General Strong to the command of the post of New York, in place of the officer then there. He preferred to have one selected from civil life, rather than one whose experience and education was only military. New York is the gate through which our regiments advance to the war, and through which also ‘our poor and wounded men, brave in their patience, and more than heroic in their sufferings, are obliged to return, as they wearily and sadly are borne home to die.’ General Strong, here spoken of, probably was the gentleman who was chief-of-staff to General Butler while in command of the Department of New England, and who was afterwards killed at Fort Wagner. But of this we are not certain.

On the first day of October, the Governor forwarded to the Secretary of War a memorial signed by about seventy-five physicians of Massachusetts, among whom were many of the most distinguished in the State, setting forth that the ambulance arrangements of the United-States army were extremely defective, and caused great suffering to our sick and wounded soldiers; and suggesting that the cause of humanity and the real welfare of the soldiers would be promoted by placing the control of this part of the service more immediately under the supervision of the Medical Department of the United States, with authority to authorize a distinct ambulance corps.

On the same day, he wrote to the President, bringing to his attention a certain injustice done our soldiers, in keeping them imprisoned without trial by court-martial; and suggesting, that a board be convened by the Governors of States for such duty, the following names to constitute the board for Massachusetts: Major-General William Sutton, BrigadierGen-eral Richard A. Peirce, Lieutenant-Colonel C. C. Holmes, Lieutenant-Colonel John W. Wetherell, Major Charles W. Wilder, Major Thornton K. Lothrop, Captain George H. Shaw, Lieutenant Curtis B. Raymond, and, for Judgecate, [368] Major William L. Burt, all of whom held commissions under the Governor in the Massachusetts militia. The Governor draws the attention of the President to chapter 201 of the Acts of Congress of 1862, which gives him power for the appointment of such a board. The suggestion of the Governor was not approved; at least, the board recommended was never convened.

The battle of Antietam, in which many of the Massachusetts officers and men were killed and wounded, was fought Sept. 15, 1862. Dr. Hitchcock, of Fitchburg, a member of the Executive Council, was requested by the Governor to obtain, if possible, from General McClellan, the transfer of the Massachusetts soldiers to our own State hospitals for treatment. Dr. Hitchcock says,—

I called at General McClellan's headquarters, and delivered the Governor's written request, which he immediately telegraphed to the Secretary of War, to which a favorable reply was returned. This interview, which lasted but a few minutes, was remarkable for politeness and deliberation on his part. He sat cross-legged, and puffed away at a fragrant Havana, and, at the interval of each clearly expressed sentence, would gently snap the ashes from the end of the cigar. During this interview, with the most perfect nonchalance, he made known the fact that eleven thousand wounded men were lying near his tent, and that the headquarters of General Lee, with his rebel army, was only three miles distant, across the Potomac. It is needless, perhaps, to add, that the consent of the Secretary of War, and the willing word, but non-action, of General McClellan, failed in the fullest sense to realize the urgent request of Governor Andrew in reference to our men. Many of our soldiers were, however, brought home from that bloody field, and tenderly cared for in the hospitals of the State, and at the homes of the men.

It would be difficult to describe accurately the excitement and interest which the great battle of Antietam created in Massachusetts. The great majority of our regiments and batteries were engaged in it. Several of our best officers were killed; many were wounded; and the fatality which attended the rank and file was terrible. It was a victory, however,—a victory for the Union, a triumph for the Army of the Potomac over the [369] rebel army under Lee. From early spring these two armies had been face to face; from Yorktown to within the sight of the spires of Richmond, they had fought almost daily for months. The advance on Richmond, however, was not successful. The retreat to Harrison's Landing, of General McClellan's army, gave the rebels an opportunity to attack Pope, and defeat him. Then we had the second Bull Run battle. Lee then advanced with his entire command, crossed the Potomac, and entered Maryland. McClellan's army was brought up from the Peninsula, and advanced to meet him. On the fourteenth day of September, Hooker's corps took Maryland Heights by storm; General Reno and General Mansfield killed, Hooker wounded. On the 17th, the battle of Antietam was fought. Lee retreated, with what remained of his army, across the Potomac. He was not pursued, as many thought he should have been. General McClellan was deposed from the command of the army. The pursuit of Lee commenced; but it was too late. This great year of war was practically finished. The army went into winter quarters, taking position in Virginia to shield the capital from attack.

Recruiting for the army continued briskly through the year; the losses in battle, the disasters on the Peninsula and under General Pope, stimulated rather than depressed enlistments. Successes had crowned our arms in the Southwest and in North and South Carolina; and hope grew strong, that, in the end, the Union arms would be victorious everywhere. The wounded and sick who came home spoke in cheering words. They claimed that the Union army had been victorious every time and everywhere. This buoyant and gallant spirit, expressed by those who had seen the most and suffered the most, was remarkable. We cannot call to mind an instance where these wounded veterans ever spoke despondingly; and we saw many of them every day. Their wives and mothers felt proud of them, and the men felt proud of themselves. They had stories to tell which they had learned around the camp-fires, and incidents to relate which happened on the advance and on the retreat. They had learned new phrases, and coined new words, about the ‘Johnnies’ and the ‘Butternuts,’ terms used to designate the [370] rebel soldiers. Jests and banters had been exchanged across the picket lines. Some of them made jokes about losing their legs, and ‘how funny they felt’ after recovering from the effects of chloroform, and found that a limb had been taken off; and every one knew, that, ‘with fair play, the Army of the Potomac could whip the world.’ Such was the spirit of our wounded men. There was no grumbling, no fault-finding; nor was there any appearance of personal hatred towards the soldiers in the rebel army. General McClellan was their idol; they believed in him, and trusted him, and wished for no other commander. The unfavorable criticisms which had been made upon him found no response in their bosoms. What qualities of mind or of personal address there were in General McClellan to inspire love and confidence in the breasts of his soldiers we know not, as he, of all the great army commanders, is the only one whom we never saw; but that he possessed this power, which is one of the greatest and most necessary in a great officer, we have no doubt. The evidence of it was presented to us every day. Next to McClellan, in the popular affection of the soldiers, was General Hooker. They loved to call him ‘Fighting Joe;’ and men who served in his corps felt themselves as especially honored, and many, we doubt not, would freely have sacrificed their lives for him personally. It was curious and interesting to hear these men converse about their officers, many of whom they freely criticised in a manner not at all complimentary; but those whom they believed in, whom they knew to be brave, and who took good care of their men, they spoke of in words of warm affection.

The men who served in North Carolina under Burnside and Foster were equally warm in their attachment to these officers. They had led them to victory; and, whatever was said in their praise, they felt they were entitled to a share of it. They called General Burnside ‘Old Burnsie;’ and many were the stories of his kindness when he visited them in their hospitals, or received returned prisoners in a flag-of-truce boat, and shook them by the hands, and inquired after their health, and saw that they had good quarters, and were properly cared for. Many anecdotes are told by the winter firesides about these officers by the soldiers [371] who fought under them; forgetting for the moment their trials and sufferings, to say kind words of the officers who had led them into so many fatal fields. These are among the compensations which true merit receives, and are the highest honors and rewards which true valor and high soldierly qualities command.

We now return to the political aspect of the Commonwealth.

The Republican State Convention met in Worcester on the 10th of September. The call issued by the State Central Committee for the election of delegates invited the attendance and co-operation of all ‘who will support the present national and State Governments, and in favor of all means necessary for the effectual suppression of the Rebellion.’ It does not appear, however, that any but members of the Republican party took part in the Convention.

Hon. A. H. Bullock, of Worcester, was chosen president; and, on taking the chair, he made a brief patriotic address, in which he said, that since, upon the absorbing question of prosecuting the war, we all are substantially agreed, he ‘could not see why there should be any occasion for partisan spirit within the assembly, or cause for disapproval without.’ He said he had learned many things during the past year; one of which was, ‘that African slavery on this continent is so intimately connected with the war, that the two things can no longer be considered apart. It had been a source of strength to the Rebellion;’ and asked, ‘If this be so, why is it not the duty of the Administration to deal with the subject precisely as all the policies of war suggest, and all the necessities of our case demand.’ Further on, he said, ‘At all events, let Massachusetts, while abiding in her holy and traditional faith, hold herself in harmony with her sister States in constancy and in sacrifice to the last.’ Colonel Bullock closed his address by an eloquent quotation from Mr. Webster to avoid disunion, and abide by the Constitution.

J. Q. A. Griffin, of Charlestown, moved that a committee be appointed ‘to draft the customary resolutions.’ This motion was opposed by R. H. Dana, Jr., of Cambridge, who said this was not a day for long resolutions. If any were necessary, he [372] hoped they would be short, declaring a hearty support of the State and national Governments for the suppression of the Rebellion; and concluded by offering the following, which some one had handed him:—

Resolved, That Massachusetts, with all her heart and soul and mind and strength, will support the President of the United States in the prosecution of this war to the entire and final suppression of this Rebellion.

Mr. Griffin replied; and, although he should vote for the resolution just read, yet he wished the position of Massachusetts to be more broadly expressed. He concluded with offering a resolution, the substance of which was, thanking Senators Sumner and Wilson for the faithful manner in which they had discharged their duties, and recommending Mr. Sumner for reelection to the Senate.

Mr. Davis, of Plymouth, said that this was a war of ideas, of barbarism against civilization, involving the principles of civil liberty on one hand, and the principles of damnation on the other. He wanted an expression of opinion on the general policy of the war. ‘We haven't,’ he said, ‘a press in Boston to speak for us. There are some country papers which speak for us, but they are kept down by the subscription-lists of Boston.’ He favored the appointment of a Committee on Resolutions, which, after some further discussion, was carried; and the resolutions offered by Mr. Dana and Mr. Griffin were referred to the committee.

A letter from Mr. Sumner was read, regretting his inability to accept an invitation to be present at the convention. He said he should show plainly ‘how to hamstring this Rebellion, and to conquer a peace. To this single practical purpose all theories, prepossessions, and aims should yield. So absorbing at this moment is this question, that nothing is practical which does not directly tend to its final settlement.’ We infer that Mr. Sumner's mode of hamstringing the Rebellion was to declare freedom to the slaves, and to put arms in the hands of colored soldiers. ‘All else is blood-stained vanity.’ He referred to the action of General Butler in Louisiana, in organizing a negro [373] regiment, and to General Banks, ‘when, overtaking the little slave girl on her way to freedom, he lifted her upon the national cannon. In this act, the brightest, most touching, and most suggestive of the whole war, which art will hereafter rejoice to commemorate, our Massachusetts General gave a lesson to the country.’

The Committee on Resolutions reported five in number: First, That Massachusetts would support the Government in the prosecution of the war. Second, That, as slavery was a principal support of the rebellion, slavery should be exterminated. Third was complimentary to the valor of our soldiers, and expressed sympathy for those who had fallen. The fourth was the same which had been introduced by Mr. Griffin, complimentary to our Senators in Congress, and favoring the re-election of Mr. Sumner to the Senate by the Legislature to be elected in November. The fifth indorsed in strong terms the State Administration.

These resolutions were adopted, although considerable opposition was made to the one recommending Senator Sumner's re-election.

The convention nominated Governor Andrew and the old State officers for re-election by acclamation, with the exception of the Lieutenant-Governor. Hon. John Nesmith had declined to be again a candidate; and Joel Hayden, of Williamsburg, was nominated Lieutenant-Governor in his stead, on the first ballot. This completed the ticket, which was as follows: For Governor, John A. Andrew, of Boston; Lieutenant-Governor, Joel Hayden, of Williamsburg; Secretary of State, Oliver Warner, of Northampton; Treasurer, Henry K. Oliver, of Salem; Auditor, Levi Reed, of Abington; AttorneyGen-eral, Dwight Foster, of Worcester.

The Democratic party proper did not hold a convention to nominate candidates for State officers this year; but a convention was held in Faneuil Hall on the 7th of October, composed of Democrats and conservative Republicans, at which Brigadier-General Charles Devens, Jr., was nominated for Governor; Thomas F. Plunket, of Adams, for Lieutenant-Governor; and Henry W. Paine, of Cambridge, for Attorney-General. The [374] other State officers nominated by the Republicans were adopted by the ‘People's Convention.’

The call for this convention was very numerously signed by gentlemen living in different parts of the Commonwealth.

The resolutions which were adopted favored a vigorous prosecution of the war. Perhaps the last one of the series explains the motives which induced the call better than any remarks of our own:—

Resolved, That Massachusetts responds with full heart to the acclaim with which the Army of Virginia greeted the appointment to its command of Major-General George B. McClellan. We put trust in him whom brave men desire, to do battle for our cause. Let all irregular and irresponsible intermeddling with his command of the army, whether in high places or low, by letter-writers in camp or Governors in convention, anywhere and everywhere, henceforth cease.

The president of the convention was Hon. Linus Child, who described the action of the Republican Convention as ‘of a character to disturb that union, and that unity of action and of government, which alone can render our efforts successful in the great work we have in hand.’

Judge Abbott spoke in favor of every patriot coming forward to sustain the Government, ‘and consult for the best interests of a tottering nation. We must have the abandonment of all parties. The only question now is, Shall the glorious old flag wave over the whole land, or only a part of it?’ In conclusion, he said, ‘Let us pledge ourselves anew to defend the Constitution, and, in the presence of the great Webster, swear that we will give life, honor, and every thing else, in support of it, till it shall float in undimmed splendor over the whole country in peace and in honor.’

Judge Parker, of Cambridge, was the next speaker; and, in the course of his remarks, he took up the address drawn up and signed by the Governors of the loyal States, as agreed upon at Altoona, Pa., a few days preceding. He considered it a treasonable plotting of the Governors, and added, that, if they sought the removal of General McClellan, they met too late to dare to do this, as he was the commander of a victorious army, and it was too dangerous. [375]

At this point, Mr. Saltonstall, of Newton, stepped on the platform, and said, he held a letter in his hand from a friend in Baltimore, which stated that a formal proposition was made at Altoona to remove General McClellan from the command of the Army of Virginia. On being asked which of the Governors it was who had made the proposition, Mr. Saltonstall said that the letter was of a private nature, and he was not permitted to give all its contents; ‘but the convention could well imagine who made the proposition.’ The meeting understood him to mean Governor Andrew.

Two days after the convention was held, Mr. Saltonstall addressed a letter to the editor of the Boston Journal to correct an error he had made; by which it appeared that Mr. Saltonstall's statement had, for its basis, the following paragraph, which was in a letter addressed to him by a friend in Baltimore:—

I learn from Governor B. [meaning Governor Bradford, of Maryland], that there was a formal proposition made to remove the Commanding General. He does not feel at liberty to say more.

Mr. Saltonstall's explanation was, that he had mistaken the word no for the letter a; and, instead of saying a formal proposition had been made, &c., the letter really said that no formal proposition had been made. No gentleman supposed Mr. Saltonstall was intentionally guilty of misrepresentation. The explanation, therefore, was satisfactory to the public, though the mistake, necessarily, was very annoying to the gentleman who made it.

When Governor Bradford was informed of Mr. Saltonstall's statement, he immediately telegraphed to Governor Andrew, disavowing having made it, to which Governor Andrew replied that—

No explanation was needed between us on the matter in question; for of course I knew that any declaration that such a statement had been made by or from you must be mistaken. . . . The truth is, that I made no proposition, formal, informal, direct, indirect, near, or remote, for the appointment, promotion, or displacement, or for any other dealing, with any officer, high or low, in our military service.

[376]

The Faneuil-Hall Convention was a highly respectable body of men, and the nominations were very proper to be made. General Devens, who was put forward for Governor, had rendered efficient service by his bravery and capacity in the field, and was well and favorably known throughout the Commonwealth; but nothing could shake the confidence of the people in Governor Andrew, or cause a change in the State Administration. Governor Andrew was triumphantly re-elected; the vote for Governor being,—Andrew, 79,835; Devens, 52,587; all others, 1,733.

On the thirtieth day of September, the Governor received a letter from Major John A. Bolles, a gentleman formerly well known in Boston, but who at this time was serving on the staff of Major-General Dix at Fortress Monroe. Major Bolles's letter was accompanied by one from General Dix; also, one addressed to him from the Secretary of War. In these communications, it was proposed that the Governor should take some active measures for the reception in Massachusetts of a portion of the escaped slaves then within our lines near Fortress Monroe. This plan was represented as very desirable, for reasons both military and humane. It was also urged that the fortress might be attacked by the rebels, and these people swept back into slavery. To this invitation the Governor replied, that, though he sympathized deeply with the humane motives upon which General Dix was seeking to act, he did not assent, in any way or in any degree, to the plan proposed; but that these motives of humanity led him in a different direction, which sound reasoning made manifest. He said that the true interest of the African and Saxon were interwoven, and their rights identical; so that the maintenance of the one became the salvation of the other. If it were true, as stated, that ‘rebel hordes were coiling their traitorous length for a deadly spring upon Fortress Monroe, and that rebel iron-clads were coming down the river,’ and that ‘the Union force who opposed the threatened assault was inferior to the force that menaced them,’ then, by listening to the proposals made, he should deprive ‘the band of heroes now under command of General Dix, and steadily awaiting the storm,’ of the strength of hundreds of stout arms [377] which would be nerved with the desperation of men fighting for liberty, and would deprive this slandered race of the praise to be acquired in a bold struggle for their dearest rights. Here Providence had given to them a chance to complete their emancipation from slavery; and, if he should do any thing to deny them that chance, he would be injuring the cause of the Union arms. He would not, therefore, do any thing to take away from General Dix this great reserved force, as he had no doubt it would prove, if the General would but use it. If the fortress was attacked, the blacks would fight to preserve their freedom, and they are needed. If any thing could strengthen his previous opinions on this point, it would be just such facts as were narrated in the letters he had received. If the negroes had wives and children to fight for, in addition to their freedom, they would not show themselves insensible to the motives which have inspired all other races. He would welcome every blow of theirs which might at once carry succor to a patriot, death to a traitor, renewed life to their own veins, and victory to our flag. Contemplating, however, the probability of their removal, the Northern States were of all places the worst possible to select for an asylum. These poor people were inhabitants of a Southern climate, and were subject to needs and to peculiarities of physical constitution accordingly. Where, then, was the prudence or humanity of subjecting them to the rigors of a Northern sky in the winter season, with the moral certainty of inflicting extreme suffering, resulting probably in disease and death. If their removal were definitely determined upon, he would suggest for the asylum some Union foothold in the South, as Hilton Head, where they could retain their health, be trained as soldiers, and their labor made available. For them to come North would be for them to come as paupers and sufferers to a strange land, as a swarm of houseless wanderers migrating without a purpose to a busy community, where they would be incapable of self-help; a course certain to demoralize themselves and endanger others. Such a course would be a handle to all traitors, and to all persons evilly disposed: we should be told that the experiment had been tried, and failed; that the negroes had proved worthless, and incapable [378] of taking care of themselves,—when the truth would be that we had pursued the plan most calculated to disable and corrupt them. He met with pleasure the motive of humanity which had dictated the proposed plan; but, from the very same feelings, he considered the plan a mistaken one. It was because he did not wish the negroes to suffer, because he wished to save their wives and children from perishing, and to prevent their new freedom from becoming license, corruption, and infamy, that he declined to aid or countenance this plan for their transportation to the North. The Governor presented the same views to the Secretary of War, who acceded to them; and the plan was abandoned.

We find in the Governor's files a large number of letters in regard to the freedmen; among others, a long and interesting report from C. B. Wilder, ‘superintendent of contrabands’ at Fortress Monroe, showing how the colored laborers at that point were denied their hard-earned wages through the neglect and dishonest practices of officers of the Government. We also find the draft of a memorial to Congress, written by the Governor Dec. 10, 1862, in which the claims of the freedmen to the protection of the Government are very strongly set forth, and which says, that, without a system for the speedy organization of the emancipated, the proclamation of the President, of Sept. 22, 1862, would prove either fruitless, or only a proclamation of anarchy. With a proper system wisely administered, emancipation would be ‘prosperity to the South, progress to the African race, and peace to the republic.’

The great number of men which Massachusetts was called upon in 1862 to furnish for the military service of the country rendered this year one of the most busy and anxious of the war. To this we may add the fearful losses which had been sustained in the battles before Richmond, at Antietam, and before Washington under General Pope, which multiplied greatly the labors of all the military departments of the Commonwealth, and especially those of the Surgeon-General. The towns were anxious to fill their quotas on the one hand, and on the other to receive back the sick and wounded from the regiments in the field. Every thing was done which human agency could do to accomplish [379] both of these objects. What gave an impetus to recruiting was the fear of a draft, which the Government was determined to enforce unless the men called for were furnished by voluntary enlistments within a reasonable time. A new enrolment had been made, under the superintendence of Major Rogers, assistant Adjutant-General, and the United-States military commander. Assistant provost-marshals had been appointed in the several Congressional districts to carry out the machinery of the draft; but, thanks to the patriotism of the people and the activity of the city and town authorities, and the officers of the State, the contingent was raised before the end of the year by volunteers. Yet all that was done by the State authorities to aid recruiting, and organize and send forward regiments, did not shield them from complaints by selectmen and others, whose own labors in the work of recruiting left them no time to reflect upon the labors of others. Many letters are upon the files in the State House, filled with complaints of this character. We will quote the answer made by the Adjutant-General to one of these complaints, which will serve to illustrate the whole:—

Your favor has been received; and I wish you would say to the selectmen and others who scold the Governor and me for not sending a mustering officer to Pittsfield whenever they feel like having one, that they had better come here, and try half as hard as I do to have officers sent there, and I think afterwards they would grumble no more at the Governor and the Adjutant-General. Last week I sent a mustering officer to Pittsfield, through the kindness of Captain Collins, United-States chief mustering officer. I told him how much one was needed; and, although the officer sent was needed at “Camp Stanton,” I arranged that he should go to Pittsfield instead. Well, he went there. The next day, he telegraphed Captain Collins that there was no one in camp ready to be mustered in, and requested to know how long he must stay there. This telegram Captain Collins sent up to me, with a little note blaming me for sending his officer two hundred miles off on a sort of tomfool's errand. I advised him, however, to hold on a day or two, and finish up Berkshire if possible; that I had no doubt you would have the recruits ready for him by that time. So I supposed the thing was finished, and that I should have the thanks of the selectmen, instead of “their sweet little curses.” Now, then, I wish you would say to the town authorities who “swear at us,” [380] that we have nine camps of rendezvous in the State, in two of which there are three regiments each; in three, two regiments each; and, in the others, one each. There are but two mustering officers in the State; so you will see that it is not such an easy thing to get a mustering officer to go to Pittsfield every day. We have no command over these officers, and cannot say to them, Go, and he goeth, or Come, and he cometh; but, like the voters for the People's party, we have to get them when and how we can. I have just heard that Captain Arnold is at Pittsfield, and will muster in the two remaining companies of the Berkshire regiment; so you see you have been treated as you ought to be, with marked liberality in regard to mustering officers. I hope I have satisfied you. With any shortcomings, no blame can properly attach to the State authorities.

At length the quota of the State was filled. Upwards of thirty-three thousand men had been recruited in less than five months, regiments formed, thoroughly organized and equipped, and sent to the war. We have already given the names of the three months regiments and batteries, dates of their departure from the State, and the names of the commanding officers. We now proceed with the nine months regiments.

The Third Regiment served in the three months term in the beginning of the war. It was recruited to the full standard for the nine months service at ‘Camp Joe Hooker,’ at Lakeville. On the twenty-second day of October, the regiment embarked at Boston, in steamers Merrimack and ‘Mississippi,’ under command of Colonel Silas P. Richmond, and arrived at Beaufort, N. C., Oct. 26, and reached Newbern the same evening.

The Fourth Regiment, which had also served in the three months campaign in 1861, was recruited to the full standard at ‘Camp Joe Hooker’ for the nine months service. On the seventeenth day of December, it was ordered to join General Banks's command at New Orleans. It left the State on that day for New York, under the command of Colonel Henry Walker. From New York it went by transport to New Orleans.

The Fifth Regiment, which had also served in the three months campaign, was recruited for nine months service at ‘Camp Lander,’ at Wenham. It sailed from Boston in transports, [381] under command of Colonel George H. Peirson, for Newbern, N. C., with orders to report for duty to Major-General Foster.

The Sixth Regiment, the same which had fought its way through Baltimore, April 19, 1861, was recruited and organized for the nine months service at ‘Camp Henry Wilson,’ at Lowell. It was the determination of the Governor to have the Sixth Regiment the first to leave the State for the nine months service. It received orders to report at Washington, and left Massachusetts under command of Colonel Albert S. Follansbee about Sept. 1. It remained in Washington until the 13th, when it was ordered to Suffolk, Va.

The Eighth Regiment served with distinction in the three months service. It opened the route by Annapolis to Washington. It was recruited to the maximum for the nine months service at ‘Camp Lander,’ at Wenham. It sailed from Boston on the seventh day of November, under the command of Colonel Frederick J. Coffin, for Newbern, N. C., with orders to report for duty to Major-General Foster.

The Forty-second Regiment was recruited for nine months service at ‘Camp Meigs,’ at Readville. The nucleus of this regiment was the Second Regiment, Massachusetts Volunteer Militia. It was assigned to the Department of the Gulf, and left Massachusetts Nov. 19, with orders to report to General Banks in New York. It remained in camp at Long Island until about the first day of December, when it sailed from New York for New Orleans under command of Colonel Isaac S. Burrill.

The Forty-third Regiment was recruited at ‘Camp Meigs,’ at Readville. It was recruited chiefly through the Second Battalion, Massachusetts Volunteer Militia, with which organization a portion of the officers had been connected. On the twenty-fourth day of October, it went on board transports, together with the Forty-fifth and Forty-sixth Regiments, with orders to report to Major-General Foster at Newbern, N. C. The regiment was commanded by Colonel Charles L. Holbrook. While these three regiments were on the transports in Boston Harbor, a very severe easterly storm came on, which detained [382] them several days, and caused much suffering among the troops.

The Forty-fourth Regiment was recruited at ‘Camp Meigs,’ at Readville. The Fourth Battalion, Massachusetts Volunteer Militia, under Major Francis L. Lee, was the nucleus of this regiment. Nearly the whole battalion volunteered, officers and men. It left Boston, Oct. 22, by transport, under command of Colonel Francis L. Lee, with orders to report to Major-General Foster at Newbern, N. C.

The Forty-fifth Regiment was recruited at ‘Camp Meigs,’ at Readville. The Forty-fifth was known as the ‘Cadet Regiment,’ from the fact that most of its officers were or had been officers of the First Corps of Cadets. The regiment went on board transport on the twenty-fourth day of October, under command of Colonel Charles R. Codman, with orders to proceed to Newbern, N. C. This is one of the regiments that were detained in Boston Harbor by the storm.

The Forty-sixth Regiment was recruited chiefly in Hampden County, at ‘Camp N. P. Banks,’ in the vicinity of Springfield. It sailed from Boston, under command of Colonel George Bowler, for Newbern, N. C. This was one of the three regiments detained in Boston Harbor by the storm before referred to.

The Forty-seventh Regiment was recruited at ‘Camp Edwin M. Stanton,’ at Boxford, where it remained to within a few weeks of its departure from the State, when it was ordered to ‘Camp Meigs,’ Readville. This regiment was recruited in a great degree by Lucius B. Marsh, Esq., who afterwards became its colonel. It broke camp on the twenty-ninth day of November, and proceeded to New York, under command of Colonel Marsh, with orders to report to Major-General Banks. It remained on Long Island for two or three weeks, awaiting transportation to New Orleans, where it arrived in safety in the latter part of December.

The Forty-eighth Regiment was recruited at ‘Camp Lander,’ at Wenham, by Hon. Eben F. Stone, of Newburyport. Before its organization was completed, it was ordered to ‘Camp Meigs,’ at Readville. Mr. Stone was elected colonel. The [383] latter part of December, it received orders to report to Brigadier-General Andrews at New York, who had been left in command by General Banks, to take charge of the transportation for the remaining Massachusetts regiments destined for the Department of the Gulf.

The Forty-ninth Regiment was raised in Berkshire County, and organized at ‘Camp Briggs,’ at Pittsfield. Captain William F. Bartlett, a young and gallant officer, who had lost a leg at the battle of Fair Oaks, Va., was elected colonel. It received marching orders on the twenty-first day of November, to report to Brigadier-General Andrews at New York. It remained in camp at Long Island several days, awaiting transportation to New Orleans.

The Fiftieth Regiment was recruited and organized at ‘Camp Edwin M. Stanton,’ at Boxford. The nucleus of the Fiftieth was the old Seventh Regiment, Massachusetts Volunteer Militia. It left Massachusetts on the nineteenth day of November, with orders to report to Major-General Banks, at New York. The transports furnished for this regiment were three small vessels, two of which were nearly foundered at sea. One put in at Philadelphia, and another at Hilton Head. Both were pronounced unseaworthy, and new transports were obtained. No lives were lost, and the regiment eventually safely arrived at New Orleans. This regiment was commanded by Colonel Carlos P. Messer, who had commanded a company in the Fifth Regiment, in the three months service.

The Fifty-first Regiment was recruited at ‘Camp John E. Wool,’ in the city of Worcester. On the eleventh day of November, the regiment was ordered to Newbern, N. C. A few days afterwards, it came to Boston, and entered on board transport, and proceeded at once to its destination. Augustus B. R. Sprague, who had served as captain in the Rifle Battalion, in the three months service, was colonel of this regiment.

The Fifty-second Regiment was recruited at ‘Camp Miller,’ at Greenfield. Henry S. Greenleaf, was commissioned colonel. It left Massachusetts on the nineteenth day of November, for New York, where it embarked for New Orleans, with orders to report to Major-General Banks, commanding the Department of the Gulf. [384]

The Fifty-third Regiment was recruited at ‘Camp Stevens,’ at Groton. It left Massachusetts on the eighteenth day of November, for New York, under command of LieutenantColo-nel Barrett, with orders to report to Major-General Banks at New Orleans. John W. Kimball, who had served with distinction as major of the Fifteenth Regiment, three years service, was commissioned colonel of the Fifty-third. Before he could get home from the front, and take command, the regiment had left the State. He joined it, however, at New York, and went with it to Louisiana.

The Eleventh Light Battery, to serve for nine months, was recruited by Captain Edward J. Jones, at ‘Camp Meigs,’ at Readville. It left Massachusetts on the third day of October, under command of Captain Jones, with orders to report for duty to the Adjutant-General of the army at Washington. This was the only nine months battery raised in the State.

Thus, in December, 1862, Massachusetts had in active service fifty-three regiments of infantry, one regiment and three unattached companies of cavalry, twelve companies of light artillery, two companies of sharpshooters, and three companies of heavy artillery, which were distributed as follows: Twenty-seven regiments of infantry, seven companies of light artillery, two battalions of cavalry, and two companies of sharpshooters, in the Army of the Potomac, and in Virginia and Maryland; thirteen regiments of infantry in North Carolina; thirteen regiments of infantry, five companies of light artillery, and three unattached companies of cavalry, in the Department of the Gulf; one battalion of cavalry at Hilton Head, S. C.; and three companies of heavy artillery doing garrison duty in the forts in Boston Harbor. The number of three years volunteers who had entered the service from Massachusetts from the commencement of the war to Dec. 31, 1862, was 46,920; number of nine months men, 19,080; number of three months men, 3,736,—making a total of 69,736 men. During the year 1862, the number of men who entered the navy in Massachusetts was 5,960, which, added to the number who shipped from April 15 to Dec. 31, 1861 (7,658), makes a total of 13,618 men for whom Massachusetts received no credit, and who were not [385] taken into consideration in fixing the contingent which Massachusetts was to furnish for the military arm of the service; an injustice which bore with crushing weight upon the fishing and maritime towns and cities of the Commonwealth, and which was not removed until 1864, when Congress passed an act allowing credits for men serving in the navy.

The regiments sent from Massachusetts to the Department of the Gulf were intended as an expeditionary corps, to invade and hold Texas. The purpose of the expedition was kept a profound secret; and neither the officers nor the enlisted men of the regiments, nor the public, were advised of it. This was one of the well-kept secrets of the war; and, although the expedition failed of its object, the fault, if one, did not attach to Massachusetts, nor to the splendid array of troops which she furnished for it. A portion of the Forty-second Regiment reached Galveston, and has the honor of being the first detachment of the loyal army that landed in that far-off State. They were attacked by overwhelming numbers. The war vessels in the harbor, which were to co-operate with them, were beaten off or captured by the rebels; and the detachment of the Forty-second, after fighting gallantly, was obliged to surrender.

Governor Andrew detailed Major William L. Burt, of his staff, to accompany the expedition. He was to look out for the welfare of the troops, and report from time to time the exact condition of affairs. On reaching New Orleans, he was to report to General Hamilton, who had been appointed by the President military Governor of Texas. The Governor, in his written instructions to Major Burt, said,—

In selecting you for this position, I have in mind your experience, tact, and energy as a man of business as well as of education. It being my desire, since so many Massachusetts soldiers are bound to a very remote field of military service, that some staff officer of ample capacity, zeal, and position should represent the Commonwealth in her rightful relation of a careful guardian and watchful parent towards these brave and precious sons, I have been accustomed to detail gentlemen of my staff for occasional duties of this description in Virginia and elsewhere, not too far from home. In this instance, the number of our troops, and their remoteness from home, justifies a more permanent arrangement.

[386]

He was also charged to exercise a friendly oversight of the men, to use his influence to accommodate inconveniences, alleviate suffering, and prevent grievances, and, by his advice and interposition, to ‘promote the efficiency, fidelity, patriotic devotion, zeal, happiness, and welfare of our troops.’ The Governor furnished Major Burt with letters of introduction to General Hamilton, whom he afterwards met in New Orleans, and formed his acquaintance. We shall in the next chapter refer to this expedition again, and quote from the interesting reports made by Major Burt to the Governor.

Massachusetts having sent forward her regiments, Governor Andrew wrote to the Secretary of War,—

‘To say one word about brigadiers’ (after speaking about having sent forward ten new regiments for three years service, saying nothing about the men sent forward to fill up the old regiments), ‘we claim that we are entitled to two brigadier-generals on that score; and, for the seventeen regiments of nine months men, we are entitled to four more. We therefore recommend, first of all, Colonel James Barnes, of the Eighteenth,’ whom he describes as a ‘long-headed, able man, of thorough military education, over fifty years old, served all last fall, winter, and spring, in Martindale's brigade, now an acting brigadier with McClellan; the most constant, unremitting, and careful of men. He deserved the first promotion, and would have got it, probably, but that his regiment happened not to be in battle, for which he was not to blame. His lieutentant-colonel (Hayes) is able to lead the regiment, if promoted to its command, with the highest honor. He deserves promotion.’

Colonel Barnes was made a brigadier-general Nov. 29, 1862, a few days after this letter was written.

Second, William Raymond Lee, of the Twentieth Massachusetts Regiment, now acting as brigadier, under McClellan, in Sedgwick's division. He fought at Ball's Bluff; and, in the first and last battles before Richmond, was the bravest and most chivalrous gentleman in all our commands, or in any army; educated, too, at the Military Academy, but, like Barnes, for many years in civil life. Both these gentlemen, at my request, took regiments, not for glory or money, but because they felt, that, having been educated by the country, they were bound to appear at the first call of danger. They have patriotic hearts, fully devoted to the manliest views of carrying on the war. Colonels Lee [387] and Barnes are too proud and too modest to ask: I speak wholly self-moved.

Colonel Lee resigned, on account of severe illness, Dec. 17, 1862, and was brevetted brigadier-general for brave and meritorious services in the field.

Third, Colonel Edward F. Jones commanded the ‘old Sixth,’ of Baltimore memory; more recently, of the Twenty-sixth, under Butler. Returning from New Orleans very ill, recovered of typhoid, resigning his command, finding that his wife was also very ill,—now, after her death, which happened a week or so ago, he is ready for a brigade. He is a true, good, intelligent, capable, businesslike officer. He is a sagacious, determined man. I wish he might be appointed, and go to Banks to Texas.

Colonel Jones, although worthy of it, never received the appointment to which he was recommended.

Fourth, Colonel Edward W. Hinks, of the Nineteenth, formerly of the “old Eighth,” which repaired the railroad to Annapolis Junction in the spring of 1861, saved the “Constitution” frigate at Annapolis, and is now recovering from his wounds at Antietam, having been wounded, too, before Richmond. He is a young, brave, ardent, very devoted, natural soldier. He, too, ought to be promoted.

Colonel Hinks was appointed brigadier-general Nov. 29, 1862. He was afterwards brevetted major-general, and is now a lieutenant-colonel in the regular army.

Fifth, Albert C. Maggi, an Italian, about forty years old, now with General Sigel, saw fourteen years service abroad; was a major in Italy; fought under Garibaldi in South America, as well as in Italy; enlisted in the spring of 1861, at New Bedford (where he was teaching the classics, modern languages, and gymnastics), in our Third Regiment; went to Fortress Monroe; was, in succession, sergeant-major, adjutant of the Third, and acting brigade-major; when, after the three months expired, he, as lieutenant-colonel of the Twenty-first, led it in the battle of Roanoke Island, and, resigning, took the Thirty-third Regiment.

If General Sigel should require any additional brigadier, I cannot imagine a better one for foreign troops, or, since he speaks good English, even for native troops; and his lieutenant-colonel, Adin B. [388] Underwood, is perfectly fit to command his regiment. He has been in service as captain in our Second, until he reached this lieutenant-colonelcy.

Colonel Maggi was not promoted; and he resigned the colonelcy of the Thirty-third Regiment April 1, 1863, and was not again in service.

Sixth, Colonel Burr Porter, of our Fortieth. He is a splendid soldier. I appointed him, as I have several others,—though not from Massachusetts,—because so able. He is recommended, I learn, by Governor Olden, with the understanding that he be changed to New Jersey, his own State. I wish he might be appointed, and, with his regiment, be sent to Texas. He would make a great fighting brigadier. He is magnetic, like Maggi. He was educated at a French military academy; was on Omar Pasha's staff in the Crimea, and served under Fremont in Virginia.

Colonel Porter was not appointed brigadier, and resigned as colonel of the Fortieth, July 21, 1863. He was afterwards appointed major in the First Battalion Frontier Cavalry, Jan. 1, 1865, and colonel Third Cavalry March 21, 1865, and discharged at expiration of service, July 21, 1865.

Seventh, Colonel, formerly Lieutenant-Colonel, George L. Andrews, of the Second Regiment. Educated at West Point; modest, firm, and methodical; a scholarly soldier, and an honest, faithful man. He is recommended by divers Boston gentlemen for a brigade, and he would be an excellent chief-of-staff for a major-general commanding an army corps.

Colonel Andrews was appointed brigadier before this letter was written; the date of his commission being Nov. 9, 1862.

Eighth, Colonel Timothy Ingraham, of the Thirty-eighth Regiment, would be an excellent brigadier. He is now acting as such. He is a most constant, trustworthy, and reliable man, conscientious, and “sure fire.”

Colonel Ingraham was detailed for a long time as provost-marshal at Washington, and brevetted brigadier-general Oct. 2, 1865.

Ninth, I wish Major-General Hooker might be appealed to for his opinion of the propriety of nominating Colonel George D. Wells, [389] of the Thirty-fourth, until lately lieutenant-colonel of the First, for brigadier. I have heard General Hooker call Wells “a remarkable soldier.” Nor can I doubt that General Hooker, under whom, first as brigadier, and afterwards general of a division, the First Massachusetts served for nearly one year; and General Grover, who succeeded to the command of Hooker's brigade, would unite in emphasizing my suggestion. I would also refer to Colonel Blaisdell of our Eleventh, Colonel Wilde, and Lieutenant-Colonel Carruth of our Thirty-fifth, who served in the First Brigade, with and under Colonel Wells.

Colonel Wells was killed in action, Oct. 13, 1864, and was brevetted brigadier-general after his death. He was one of the best and bravest officers that went from Massachusetts into the war.

Tenth, We have five three years regiments at Newbern. They went out with Burnside; all but one was in his three battles there. Captain T. J. C. Amory, United-States Tenth Infantry, is colonel of our Seventeenth Volunteers. He has acted as general of brigade, and even of division, while there, much of the time. If any one is promoted there, I suggest Colonel Amory. He is an accomplished officer. Now, 1 do not ask the creation of new generals: of that let me not presume to judge. I only ask, that, if any are made, Massachusetts troops may be put under such men as I have named.

Colonel Amory died of yellow fever at Newbern, N. C., Oct. 7, 1864, after having been brevetted brigadier-general.

This remarkable letter concludes as follows:—

I beg leave to add that all these views are my own, unsuggested save by the accumulated knowledge of careful pains taken in appointing, and keeping up my acquaintance with our officers, and impelled by my zeal for the cause, and the honor of my State. I trust my fulness and freedom may receive your pardon.

The changes and additions to the Governor's staff in the year 1862 were as follows:—

John Quincy Adams, of Quincy, was appointed aide-de-camp, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel, Jan. 4, 1862, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the appointment of Horace Binney Sargent as lieutenant-colonel of the First Regiment Massachusetts Cavalry. Harrison Ritchie became senior aide, with rank of colonel. [390]

Charles F. Blake, of Boston, was appointed assistant quartermaster-general, with the rank of major, Aug. 7, 1862. The duty of Major Blake was to return to their regiments the men who were reported deserters.

Charles N. Emerson, of Pittsfield, was appointed assistant quartermaster-general, with the rank of major, Aug. 20, 1862, with special reference to raising troops.

William Rogers, of Boston, was appointed assistant adjutant-general Aug. 23, 1862, with special reference to preparing the State for a draft.

Charles J. Higginson, of Boston, was appointed assistant adjutant-general, with the rank of major, Sept. 9, 1862.

William L. Burt, of Boston, was appointed judgeadvocate-general, Oct. 1, 1862, and was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general, Feb. 9, 1865.

Charles Sprague Sargent, of Brookline, was appointed assistant quartermaster-general, with the rank of first lieutenant, Nov. 3, 1862.

William Sturgis Hooper, of Boston, was appointed assistant adjutant-general, with the rank of captain, Nov. 19, 1862. Captain Hooper served with this rank at New Orleans as staff officer under General Banks, and died July 1, 1863.

The foregoing pages bring the history of Massachusetts in the war to the close of the year 1862, at which time Massachusetts was represented by her brave men in nearly every field of service, and upon the decks of every ship in the American navy. She had given martyrs to the great cause on nearly every battlefield, and in every naval engagement, in the war. Many had died; many had their limbs severed from their bodies; many households had been made desolate; many stood by the buts of their muskets, keeping watch and ward, facing the enemy, from the falls of the Potomac to the delta of the Mississippi. Some were in prison, some were in hospitals, some were in tents, some swinging in their hammocks at the mouths of rivers to prevent blockade-runners from supplying the enemy. Thus sixty thousand men of Massachusetts were engaged when the course of time brought in the year 1863.