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[220] her governments. This was the true meaning of his
Chap. XX.} 1775. Feb.
motion, though clauses were added to make it less unpalatable to the pride of the British legislature. Franklin was persuaded that he sincerely wished to satisfy the Americans; Jefferson, on reading the bill, hoped that it might bring on a reconciliation; but Samuel Adams saw danger lurking under even a conditional recognition of the supremacy of parliament. ‘Let us take care,’ said he, ‘lest, instead of a thorn in the foot, we have a dagger in the heart.’

No sooner had Chatham concisely invited the assistance of the house in adapting his crude materials to the great end of an honorable and permanent adjustment, than Dartmouth spoke of the magnitude of the subject, and asked his consent that the bill should lie on the table for consideration. ‘I expect nothing more,’ was the ready answer. At this concession Sandwich, speaking for the majority in the cabinet, grew petulant. ‘The proposed measure,’ he said, ‘deserves only contempt, and ought to be immediately rejected. I can never believe it to be the production of any British peer. It appears to me rather the work of some American;’ and turning his face towards Franklin, who stood leaning on the bar, ‘I fancy,’ he continued, ‘I have in my eye the person who drew it up, one of the bitterest and most mischievous enemies this country has ever known.’

The peers turned towards the American, when Chatham retorted: ‘The plan is entirely my own; but if I were the first minister, and had the care of settling this momentous business, I should not be ashamed of publicly calling to my assistance a person ’

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