Succession movement at the South.

position of Senator Hunter's Views — letter from Robert E. Scott--General News from the South,&c,&c.

Letter from Senator Hunter.

‘ The Examiner, of yesterday, contains a long later from Senator Hunter, of Va. on the He thinks there is little to hope from the North to view of the " almost entire instability" which prevails there relative to the state of public sentiment at the South.--The wrongs of the South reached a climate west Lincoln was elected, and a State which believe that the General Government will be set to imperil the welfare and rights of the withholding States, is about to leave the Confederacy. As to coercion, that is impossible, for:

It would fail it attempted, and would never be attempted, unless madness ruled the hour, wild passion waged, when reason ought to govern. But now would we stand it we should attempt to rule by force five States of this confederacy, who declared our government over them to be a tyranny, and claimed the most of governing themselves? Is it not the great American principle, that legitimate government rests on the will or the governed?--Was it not in behalf of the sacred right of self-government that we appealed to the world for sympathy and assistance in our struggle for independent! Is this General Government to play the very part towards some of the United States themselves which was taken toward us by the British Government under Lord Is this General Government to resort to the British statutes to after the Boston Post Bill, and other effective measures used against us in our struggle for self-government, as precedents of the to be affected against some of our State, who are engaged in asserting that same right for which we all contended then it would, indeed, be an instance as ruinous as it was , of the instability of human opinion and of the mutability of man, portion of the old thirteen States should be found unsecuring the port calamary, of Great Britain for modes of the engines of oppression and coercion, and send them against another part of the States which constituted the glorious old Confederacy. But, in my opinion, there is no fighting power in the government of the twin States to coerce a return to the Union, If States acting in their sovereign capacity and seceded from it. They could not defile such a power from either the law of nature or the Constitution of the United States. The Convention which framed that instrument refused to give the power to coerce a State to the General Government. The very nature of the compact of government into which the United States entered implies the right, I believe, to secede from the Union which it formed, when the conditions and obligations upon which it was made have been and .

The right of secession is argued at length, and this conclusion drawn:

For all the reasons which I have given, and for others not now enumerated, I believe that each State, acting in its sovereign capacity, has a political right to secede from the Union, when it believes that there has been a palpable and dangerous infraction of the Constitution or compact. But whilst I recognize its right to judge for itself, I am also of opinion that the act is morally justifiable only when the infraction is of such a character as to make secession the only remedy, or when the danger of such an infraction is so imminent that secession must be immediate to be a remedy at all. Therefore it is that when I was questioned during the recent canvass to know whether I would regard the election of Lincoln, by constitutional means, as a just cause for secession, that for such a cause I would not added Virginia to secede, but that if any State did them it just cause, and for that reason secede from the Union I hold that she had a right thus to act, without question from me, and that there was no rightful authority anywhere to force her back within the jurisdiction of the General Government. In the case of Virginia, where, is a voter and a citizen, I have a right to speak, I would say, that although such an , in my opinion, affords just cause for serious apprehension, and makes it prudent to prepare the means of self defence, in case of the worst results, still, I would not desire to break up this Union, without at least an honest effort to preserve it, upon terms consistent with the rights and the safety of the South.--To preserve the Union of the Constitution I would be willing, I trust, to make any personal sacrifice. I therefore desire and advocate conference amongst the Southern Sales to and agree upon such guarantees as in their opinion will secure their equality and their rights within the Union.

The position of Virginia in case of a dissolution of the Confederacy next occupies his attention. He says:

The question, then, for the border slaveholding States will be, not whether the Southern States would have been safe it all had remained in the Union, but to which division of the Confederacy they ought to attach themselves now that it was severed. In such an event, I have not the shadow of a doubt as to what ought to be the course of Virginia and other Southern border States. If they united with the other slave States they would confederate as equals, and with those whose population was homogenous, and whose interests were identified with their own. If they united with the North under such circumstances, they would constitute a helpless minority in association with States, whose population was not homogeneous with theirs, and whose interests would be considered as different and hostile. They could be treated as inferiors by the dominant majority, and considered as having acquiesced in that position by the choice which they had made.

In the Southern Confederacy they would find an outlet for their surplus population of slaves, not only in these co-States, but in whatever territory might be acquired by that Union. Under that Government, too, they would find effectual protection for their property and institutions. In the other Confederacy their slave population would indeed be "penned in" and "localized" within their own borders. The dominant party in the North looks to this object as the cardinal principle of their association, and they would be sole to pursue that end without the show of an opposition. This negro population would then be penned up, not only by restrictions from the Northern majority, but by restrictions from the neighboring slave States also, who would probably hold it to be to their interest to force the border States to hold on to their slaves, not only for political reasons, but also from a desire to interpose an obstacle to the escape of their fugitive slaves. What then, would be the position of the slaveholding States in the Northern Confederacy ? As their slave population increased, there would be a tendency to a fall in wage. The white laborer, by emigration, could better his condition by removing where his labor was more productive; but the slave, by the circumstances of his position, must remain and work for the home rate of wages, whatever it might be. In this state of things, the white laborer would emigrate where he could work on better terms, and the slave would remain to increase his hold upon these States, and to become the governing element of their population. Whilst the new territory of this Northern Confederacy would be given to the white man, according to their theory, the old territory of the border slaveholding States would be given to the negro. The consequences of such a process would soon reduce to such an extent the number of whites in these States that they would lose their only, but slender, means of defence, which they had enjoyed through the little political strength with which they had entered that Confederacy. Indeed, how long would it be before the non-slaveholding States would increase to the mark requisite to enable them to abolish slavery within the States by a constitutional amendment? Would they wait for that process if they did not know it to be both rapid and sure? With the principles and feelings of this sectional party — which would wield the power of that Confederacy — how long would the institution of slavery endure in the five or six slaveholding States which were attached to that Union? Is there one of the slaveholding States which would voluntarily incur such a risk, with the fate of the British West Indies before their eyes? In a Union with a Southern Confederacy they should encounter none of these dangers. In that connection the slave population operates us a safety-valve to protect the white laborer against an unreasonable or ruinous decline in the rate wages. With an outlet for emigration, the slave is the first to move under a decline in the rate of wages. The law of profit moves him to a theatre where he will earn more for his master, and yet more for himself, whilst the labor market which he leaves is thus gradually relieved from the pressure, and the white man remains in the land of his birth to enjoy the profits of remunerating operations. As a proof of the truth of this view, I ask if the average rate of wages of the white laborer of the South is not higher than in any other settled portion of the globe?

In conclusion he says:

When the future which lies before us is so clouded by gloom and uncertainty, we all must feel that the time has come for Virginia to put her house in order. No man end now tell what a day or an hour may bring forth. An accident might fire a train, whose explosion would part the Union asunder. But, be the issue what it may.--peace or war!--and no man desires the former more earnestly than I do — may the noble old Common wealth be prepared to play the part that becomes her. Certain I am that I speak the common voice of nearly all her sons, when I say that, where she leads we will follow; and should she in her sovereign capacity throw her banger to the breeze, we will rely to it as the emblem of our allegiance, whether it bears upon its folds a single star, as the representation of her undivided sovereignty, or a whole constellation to mark the numbers of a confederated system. When she speaks, her voice will be needed at home, and, I trust, respected abroad.

Letter from R. B. Scott, Esq.

The Enquirer, of yesterday, publishes the following letter:

Richmond, Nov. 30th, 1860.
‘ To the Bastards of the Richmond Enquirer;

General: In your article of this morning, inviting attention to the letters of Mr. Mison and Mr. Hopkins, you state that these letters were written in response to a letter addressed by one of the editors of the Enquirer to several gentleman, whose name are given, among which I find my own, and you say, ‘"if any of the gentlemen named are not received the letter addressed by us to them, they can, notwithstanding, furnish us with their views on the propriety of assembling a State Convention, as well as to the nature of State union, if any, in their opinion, is desirable at present."’

Without appropriating to myself any part of the complimentary allusion made to those gentlemen, or arrogating to speak on behalf of those with whom I have been connected in party relations; out as an individual, speaking only for myself I have no hesitation in saying, that I concur the 'propriety of assembling a State Convention'

The action of some of our Southern sister States, and the obvious results to which this action leads surround us with circumstances too grave to be dealt with an ordinary, General assembly.

To take no account of the fact that the members who compose this body were not effected with to those surroundings. It is apparent that those who are trammelled with an oath to support the present Federal Constitution are not in a situation to deal freely with questions of State that revolutions give rise to that a of the Southern States now contemplate a withdrawal from the Union, and that, according to every probability, some of them will shortly decide formal secession, there is no room for doubt. Whether of secession is among the rights reserved to the State, and, therefore constitutional, as some suppose; of whether it arises from a right of revolution, as others maintain, it seems quite useless to determine, because whether just an excused according to the one view of the other, we must deal with it as an existing I know of no means by which any State can be forcibly compared to remain in the Union and perform the duties that pertain to her as a member of the Confederacy, and such is the intimate connexion between the Southern States growing number of the infection of slavery and so dependent is the safety of each upon the power of all in respect to the operation of the Federal Government, that the withdrawal of any considerable number of them necessarily affects the relations of the others and injuriously impairs their condition in their federal Government.

These considerations would seem to imply an obligation of friendly concert on the part of all the Southern States, in a crisis so grave as the present, and to forbid unless under the pressure of a solute necessity, the separate action of any under present circumstances, separate action evinces discordant counsels, and leads to the suspicion of an attempt to coerce others into action of revolution that ought to proceed only from common interests, common purposed and accordant counsels and is but too well calculated to antagonisms from which evil consequences are likely to flow.

For myself, I am unalterably opposed to that secession which would leave a diminished number of the slaveholding States exposed, defenseless to the Federal power; and I am equally opposed to any form of secession which would leave the present Federal Government installed at Washington.

If our union with the free States is to be broken, the government founded upon it should be discarded, and section subjected to the like necessity of forming new associations, and new governments upon them. This can be accomplished by concerted action; if in no other way, it can be accomplished through the instrumentality of our Senators and Representatives in Congress, because against their united action it would be impossible for the government to be administered, and the Lee States would be brought to the alternative of a redress of grievances by voluntary action in the Union, or a dissolution by agreement.

The common interests of the slaveholding States are judgment bind them to a common destiny, and to necessitate intimate relations among them, in so much that I do not think we can be said to be masters of our own position the withdrawal of some of the States may compel us to the same, for whatever may be our as to the permit of present evils or the of the proposed remedy, we would be left to a narrow alternative.

The position of Maryland connects her especially, with the late of Virginia, and I think we should determine upon no ultimate action without a conference with her people should that state unite in the act of withdrawal the resumption of her jurisdiction over the District of would the Government at Washington, and the accommodations in that city would at once afford all the conveniences for the Capital of the Southern Confederacy.

If a Convention of our State be called by the General Assembly, it will trust, be composed of the wisest and best of the sons. The subjects for consideration will be the graves upon which a people can be earned to deliberate, and it would be intrusive in me to suggest in advance her nature of the State action proper to be pursued — Events are on the and it is impossible to the to which they may presently reach situation upon the border of the free States, and standing as it were between the extremes of opposing opinions, our appropriate office would seem to of mediator--‘"tantas componirelites, "’ by friend, adjustment of the controversies that divide the sections in a way to preserve the Union is possible, or is that be impossible by just agreement between the two, whereby they may separate in peace No secession of part of the States, no dissolution of the Union that now binds them together, no over throw of the Federal Government will displace any of them from their geographical position.--they will remain forever adjacent and neighboring States, parts of the same continent, washed by the same penetrated by the same rivers, and linked together by all those artificial structures which science and industry have supplied for the conveniences and necessities of the internal commerce of a great and prosperous nation. They will resign forever free representative republics bound together by the strongest ties that can unite separated communities, the ties of a common languages a common blood, a common region, a common history, a common glory, a common happiness, a common progress and a common interests, and be effected in all time, by common prosperity. If we separate in peace if separate we must; the tares which evil influences have caused to spring up among us; will be eradicated as the productive cause will disappear, and under the blessing of Providence, we will live as neighbors and deal as friends.

While these considerations admonish all so strongly to just and temperate action, I can but think that a peaceful solution of all present difficulties is fairly within our reach, and I may venture to express the hope that the Convention of Virginia will address its efforts wisely to the accomplishment of that end. Individually, I think the solution can and ought to be found in the Union. There are terms of settlement compatible with the equal rights the equal interests and the equal honor of all the States; but was her these can be obtained, depends, unfortunately, not upon the nation of Virginia or any one of the States but upon he concurrent action of all. It is the misfortune of some in the needless obstruct of others to be dragged into the conditions of a common fare.

I look with much solicitude to the assembling of Congress in the expectation that development of sentiment among the members opinion as to the practicability of a satisfactory adjustment; not that I think and power of adjustment resides in Congress for the evil is beyond its reach but that the opinions of members from the opposing sections may furnish indications of inclination or disinclination to recede from extreme positions and to enter into new agreements and consensus by which the causes of our present destructions withdrawn from federal discussion

very respectfully.
R. E. Scott.

Extract from Gov. Perry's Message.

Gov. Perry's Message to the Florida Legislature, after rehearsing the wrongs of the North to the South, says:

‘ Such, fellow-citizens is a meagre outline only often pictures of wrong and outrage that we are expected to endure unresistingly. But shall we endure Heaven forbid! Forbid it the memory and example of those noble patriots who pledged their 'lives their fortunes and their sacred honors' to maintain their liberty and their rights. Shall we, the descendants of such a sires, relinquish the rich inheritance thus acquired — Must we jeopard our present security and our future existence as a free people, by stopping now to re-argue the abstract question of the right of secession? I have already adverted to the important difference between the political responsibilities of the people of the thirteen old Colonies and those which attach to the people of the United States. The former being subjects, could not withdraw from or forcibly oppose their government without an act of rebellion; for, although they declared it their right to change their government, the were fully aware that the right depended upon their success in maintaining it. Nor so with regard to the people of these States.There are not subjects, but citizens--citizens owing their first and highest allegiance to the respective sovereign States.-- While the States remain in the Union, the citizens may commit an act of rebellion against their particular State or against the United States.--But the moment that a State, in her sovereign capacity, declares a dissolution of the Federal ties, her citizens are absolved from all responsibility to the Federal Government, and the State released from all conventional obligations to her former associates. And more than this — a palpable infraction by one or more of the other States of the covenanted rights of one or more of the others, releases the letter from their obligations to the compact. And of such infractions and the made and measures of redress, each State has the right to judge for itself. This is a right inherent in States, and can only be alienated by their voluntary act. In the Constitution of the United States, there is no relinquishment of this right no transfer of it to any other power, tribunal or judge. The right consequently remains to the State perfect and unimpaired, and it were to dispute about the name of the thing when the time has come for proving its efficiency.

Entertaining these views. I most earnestly recommend of a Convention of the people if the State at an early day, to take such action as in their judgment may be necessary to protect and preserve the rights, honor and safety of the people of Florida, I would further recommend a revision of the Militia laws with a view to a more effective organization of the military and an appropriation of the hundred thousand dollars is a military fund for the ensuing year, to be expended as fast as the public necessities may requires.

’ Very respectfully, M. S.Perry.

Speech of Hon. James Guthrie.

The speech of Hon. James Guthrie, Secretary of the Treasury under the Administration of President Pierce, will be found below. It was pronounced before the people of Louisville, on the evening of the 26 , and created the wildest enthusiasm. He said, in substance, as follows:

Follow Citizens--We have been called here to take into consideration the alarming condition of our country North and South. Now, for the first time in the history of America, has a political panic arisen a panic that is striking down the fortunes of the first men and depriving the laborer of his wages. No consideration of the character of the individual pressing over this meeting should watch in the momentous question we have met to discuss and consult upon.

The election of a sectional President by a sectional party of one section of country was not the great grievance of which we have to complain — It was the organization of a sectional party at the North unfriendly to the institutions and interests of the South. Out what is the election of a sectional President with an antagonistic Senate and House of Representatives? He cannot appoint an officer without the sanction of one, nor receive an appropriation of public moneys except through the other, and by their content.

Should the election of a sectional President stultify the progress of a country like ours — a country whose progress is without a paralleling history? With the election of a single man, what have we to fear? [a voice, ‘"Everything,."’]

I say we have a great deal to fear if we fail to do our duty. But we have nothing to fear if we are true to ourselves and to our country, if we are situated by the some sentiments that filled the breasts of our revolutionary sires. We have a strong minority of friends in the free States --an array of sympathizers and allies, who have gallantry four at our battles, and now stand in the breach with us.

While we denounce the aggressions of the North, is the South nothing to blame? Are our States free from the causes of this impending ? Has the South presented an unbroken front with her Northern states to the enemies? Have we allowed the conservative people to rally to the support of a conservative man? We have much to fear it divided but nothing to dread if we are united. Here, on the south side of the Ohio, a middle State, with the free States on the one side, and the South upon the other, what have we to gain out of the Union, and shall we be driven or forced into antagonism with either section? We naturally take sides with those whose interests are identical with our own, but we will not fight the battles of South Carolina while she is safe at home in bed. [Cheers].

When we appeal to those border States. Indiana, Illinois, and Pennsylvania shall we say they will not listen, that they will not rouse up, and the conservative spirit rally and say to fanaticism South, and abolition North. ‘"Withdraw your unconstitutional ; we will work for you with heart and soul; and the remedy for these evils is within, and not out of the Union."’ Should that glorious convenient of our liberties, the Constitution be abandoned at the first alarm? Lincoln was elected according to the constitutional to his by a sectional minority, because they were united and we were divided; and shall we then pull down this glorious fabric? Rather let us say to the North, ‘"Retrace your steps;"’ and to the South, ‘"take your hand; the remedy for your grievances is in, and not out of the Union."’

The only man of the Revolution who was unfaithful, was from the North. Benedict Arnold rests under the scorn of the world as a traitor to his country. The greatest of patriots, George Washington, was from the South. If there are going to be traitors to liberty, let them be from the North; let us stand by the precepts of Washington and his noble compatriots and rebuke sectionalism.

’ But let us be calm, temperate, and discreet in action. Let not this glorious nation that in its infancy, with but 3,000,000 people, bearded the British lion, be divided in its greatness, with 30,000,000 people; and let us not be alarmed, and fly, because of the election of a sectional President from the Constitution under which we have been prosperous and happy.

Seward's doctrine of the "irrepressible conflict," a battle between two systems of labor, was fallacious. There was no system of labor so well adapted to the South as ours, and that argument against slavery cannot stand.

The Constitution fined the rights of States.--It did not mean that you shall invade your neighbor's privileges and rights. Such was not its language or intent. If the North will mind in own business and the South attend to its own concerns, we the middle States, we will make an appeal, and rise up and stand between them and have the laws respected. And we say to our Southern brethren, let there be no ill blood; stay our minds we have a great state in this Union and this constitution. We have marched together under the stars and stripes the flag of Union and we will ever match under one flag.

To the sundering of States, and War, and murdering, and plundering of each other, is the least we are invited to — so we say to the North retrace our steps; arise, you men of conservatism, and put down fanaticism North and South. What we do let us do calm, coolly, and collectively, and let our action be harmonious and consistent.

Letter from Ex-President Pierce.

The Washington Constitution publishes a letter from Ex-President Pierce, from which we extract the concluding paragraphs:

‘ I trust the South will make a large draft on their devotion to the Union, and be guided by the moderation which the exigency urgently calls for. Can it be that this flag, with all the stars in their place, is no longer to float at home and abroad always an emblem of our united power common freedom and unchallenged security? Can it be that it is to go down in darkness, if not in blood, before we have completed a single century of our independent national existence?

I agree with you that madness has ruled the hour in pushing forward a line of aggressions upon the South, but I will not despair of returning reason, and of are awakened sense of constitutional right and duty. I will still look with earnest hope for the full and speedy vindication of the coequal rights and coequal obligations of these States, and for restored fraternity under the present Constitution — fraternity secured by following the example of the Fathers of the Republic — fraternity based upon admission and cheerful maintenance of all the provisions and requirements of the sacred instrument under which they and their children have been so signally that hope shall perish, if perish it must, life itself, my friend, will lose its value for you and me.

It is apparent that much will depend upon the views expressed and the tone and temper man during the early days of the session of Congress now near a hand. May the God of our fathers guide the counsels of those who, in the different departments of Government are live in this or with responsibilities unknown since the sitting of the Convention which framed the Constitution. Your friend,

Franklin Pierce

Comments of the Press.

The Savannah Republican, noticing the complaints of Northern papers at the returning by the Savannah authorities of the steerage passengers on the steamers, says:

‘ Perhaps the wrath of these hotshots will be cooled down when we explain the true nature and object of the exclusion, at least so far as this port is concerned. Owing to the financial crisis and the consequents agitation in business of every kind, a large portion of the laboring population already there were unemployed and idling about the streets. The implicit, is not danger, of adding to this class of our population was manifest; whereupon our City Mayor, pursuant to an ordinance of Council, issued his proclamation prohibiting the landing "of any steerage passengers or other person, likely as a pauper to become a charge on the city." This is all: we were unable to give employment to the laborers already here, and it is clear that justice to ourselves, as well as to these steerage passengers, recommends and sanctions the measures adopted. Is there anything wrong, or even unfriendly, in it?--If the North has starved out her laboring population, let her keep them to herself, and not saddle them upon our backs.

’ A note in the Charleston Mercury relative to the action of the New School Synod, in session there, says:

‘ The resolutions offered this morning in the Synod of South Carolina were not laid on the table because they favored secession. Far from it. We believe there are not three men in the body who are not heartily favorable to the promptest and most decided action on the part of South Carolina. The objection to them was chiefly the assault they embodied on the Old School Presbyterian Church. The act of 1818 was unscriptural, but the South of that day approved it as well as the North. Our Church took her true and proper position on the subject of slavery in 1845, and on that ground, so just, so scriptural, and so satisfactory to the South, every General Assembly has, for the past fifteen years, firmly stood and is now standing. If all the North had been as faithful and just to their Southern brethren as the Old School Presbyterians, the country would not now be where it is.

New School Synod Bishop Clark, of Rhode Island, delivered a sermon in Grace Church, Providence, on Sunday morning, on the state of the country, in which after portraying the extravagance of both Northern and Southern fanatics, he says: "If such counsels rule, our case is hopeless — Let those who have a real interest in the preservation of harmony and peace rise and take these matters out of the control of men who get their living by agitation.

The Journal of Commerce gives the following explanation of the recent landing of ammunition at Fort Moultrie, South Carolina:

‘ Some weeks ago four gun carriages for "flank defence," and eighty-four boxes or cartridges, having twenty rounds a piece, were sent on to Fort Moultrie, in pursuance of the ordinary routine of supply. For the last year Capt. Foster, of the Engineers, has been engaged in repairing the Fort, and the gun carriages are needed to complete the armament --The cartridges are sent to all the forts in the country once a month, on average, all the year round. They are intended to supply a deficiency in the ammunition caused by fall practice or firing salutes; or to replace those cartridges in which powder has become "caked" by long standing, and which are removed to the nearest Arsenal of construction to be made over. Changes, improvements, and replenishments like these are going on at all the United States forts at every tension of the year, and have been very frequent within the past two or three years, owing to a disposition on the part of the General Government to put its works of defence in a good condition.

The correspondents take quite contrary

views of the temper of the fast arriving members of Congress. One correspondent writes:

Among the arrival to-night, which increase rapidly, are Mr. Breckinridge; Senator Fitzpatrick; Ruffle; Boyce and Morrill, of South Carolina: Grow, of Pennsylvania; Gurley, Oliver, Senator Green, of Missouri, and Logan, of Illinois. Many Southern members have brought their families with them, indicating that they expect to stay all winter.--This looks well for the Union. They are very moderate in tone. Ruffin says that South Carolina will undoubtedly go out unless all her demands are complied with. The fear of secession is not nearly so strong to day.

Senators Green and Breckinridge are at the National. Their rooms are in it of visitors tonight. Mr. Breckinridge takes hopefully, and counsels moderation, forbearance and compromise. Many gentlemen believe that early in the session, before the assembling of the South Carolina Convention, prominent Republicans, like Corwin, Sherman, Trumbull, Covode, and perhaps , will set forth the position of the Republican party and their policy satisfactorily, so that all troubles and danger to the Union will be at an end.

A conservative compromise measure is being prepared here, which will cover the entire sectional issue in dispute. It agreed upon, it will leave no State a shadow of an excuse for seceding. It re-establishes the Missouri line, and extends it to the Pacific.

’ Another correspondent, looking at the other side of the picture, says:

‘ The Southern boat to-day brought a large number of members of Congress, who are free in expressing their belief as to the purposes of the Southern States. In South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi Louisiana and Florida, they say there is no longer a Union party. The issue in each is between separate secession, and conference, and conference, and consultation.--No man dares raise his voice for the Union, nor is there any anticipation in those States that Union can last ninety days. Immediate secession is the prevalent sentiment.

’ Since the arrival of the evening trains, there seems to be out one opinion about a dissolution if the Union, as no one believes the Republican party will yield their organization to save it. It Mr. Lincoln were to place three Southern men to his Cabinet, it would be a virtual abandonment of the Platform, as it could not be expected of Southern men to cooperate in making war on the slave interests.

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