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England and the Circular of Secretary Seward.

--We subjoin a comment upon the position of England with regard to this circular, translated from the French side of the New Orleans Bee. We do not recollect to have noticed the very significant passages from the Times and Post, which we retranslate from the Bee:


[from the Bee]

"Something is passing in European politics, which, in as much as we have no access to European journals, and can, therefore, base our opinion only upon a few brief extracts from English journals, is to us incomprehensible. There are three European powers who are deeply interested in the progress of events in this country. These are Great Britain, France, and Spain. The joint expedition projected against Mexico appeared to be the first step in the direction of a direct intervention in the affairs of North America. But after indicating the terms of the triple alliance, the telegraph apprised us at the last moment that England had declined signing it, and that Spain, determined to act on her own responsibility, was about to undertake the adventure single-handed, while the two other Governments in question would confine their co-operation to sending fleets of observation.

"What motive or what scruple has so suddenly arrested England? Is she afraid of creating a new cause of difficulty with the Government of the United States, which has already announced its intention of sustaining Mexico in opposition to European intervention? This is difficult to conjecture, in view of the manner in which the Seward Circular, advising the Governors of the States to fortify the coasts of the sea and of the great Lakes, which separate the United States from the English possessions. Two English journals of incontestable influence, the London Times, which represents English interests generally, and the London Post, the official journal of Lord Palmerston, the head of the Cabinet, have just replied to the ill concealed thought of Mr. Seward, by pacific protestations, which to say the least, are but little contented, with the formidable military preparations which prudent Almon has been making in Ametic, with her reinforcements sent to Canada, with the presence of a British fleet manned by 6,000 men and carrying 560 guns, in American waters. It is curious, nevertheless, to contrast the submissive tone in which the Times and Post were expressing themselves at the the very moment when the Federal Government was overhauling an English mail steamer at sea, and employing force to take from it four passengers who vainly thought that the English flag was a sufficient protection against such an outrage. Here is an extract from the Times:


[from the London Times.]

"This country has never entertained the most remote intention of interfering in any manner in the American quarrel. Our interests are not identified with either of the parties, and there is little in the cause of quarrel to excite our sympathies. Were there over so much, it is no longer our habit to plunge into war upon questions of sympathy and antipathy. But it we were the unreflecting children, impatient and easy to move, which Mr. Seward takes us to be — if the eloquence of two or three Southern statesmen, who can tell us nothing more than we already know, either with regard to our own wants or their ability to supply them, or with regard to the causes of the war, or the motives which direct it, could induce us to plunge into war — what profit could we hope to draw from an invasion from the North of the great, populous, agricultural State of New York, whose population is composed in great part of emigrants from these Islands, and who would most assuredly offer a brave and determined resistance to a perverse and objectless invasion? It is, in truth, too hard that we should be compelled to defend ourselves against such insinuations. We never have published anonymous pamphlets predicting the absorption of friendly States. We do not maintain an enormous army insatiable for pay and pillage. We desire nothing better than peace with the whole world, and, as we have often said before, with no country more than with the United States'

"These protestations, strong as they are, are nevertheless, tinged with a certain degree of acrimony, and we should be much astonished to see the Times accept the arrest of Messrs Mason and Sifdell with cool equanimity. The post pronounces still more decided, the idle fears of Seward, and assured him that there is not the slightest probability that England will recognize the independence of

the South. The following passage is the most important portion of its article:

‘ "'Mr. Seward entirely mistakes the intentions of the English Government and people, if he believes in the existence of any scheme, (unless, it may be, among a few members of Parliament of advanced views and no influence) to recognize the independence of the southern Confederation. Our determination to remain neutral is founded upon considerations both of right and of expediency. The only thing which could force England or France to pursue a different line of policy, would be the necessity of recruiting our supply of cotton. But, in our opinion, such an hypothesis is not admissible; for as long as the Northern Government shall continue the blockade, there can be no exportation of cotton, whether the Southern Confederacy be recognized or not. It would, in the meantime, be entirely inopportune to recognize those who cannot be considered as having proved themselves capable of maintaining their independence.

"'We believe, then, that Messrs. Lincoln and Seward are taking measures of precaution against a danger which has no existence in fact, and in doing this, they incurred useless expenditure of men, money, and materials, which they ought rather to concentrate upon their real enemies — those whom they have before them. The Washington Government gives gratuitously to the South the advantage of the preparations which it is making against an imaginary enemy. The Confederates desire to be recognized by Europe, with the sole view to divest from themselves, the military power of the North. Although there is not the least probability of any such recognition, the Federal Government dissipates its forces, as though it were desirous to prove its power while increasing the number of its enemies. Let it be assured, however, that we will not recognize the South that we will not attack the North, and, consequently, that it has no enemies to contend with, but those against whom it is now waging war.'"

’ Our readers will recollect that the above is a re-translation. We do not think, however, the general sense of the two articles is lost, though the language of course cannot be the same after two translations. Certainly it seems to us that England is very much indisposed to recognize us in any shape, and we publish the above as a warning not to put any faith in her, but to fight out the war with our own strength, unassisted by anybody. We are able to do it, and let us do it.

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