The Daily Dispatch: November 7, 1862., [Electronic resource]

Later from Europe---speeches of English Statesmen.

The War, he said, which was now going on in the United States, and the blockade of the Southern States. which prevented the cotton from coming to that country, would before long come to an end. That was a subject on which many different opinions were and had been entertained. The Government of that country was placed in the position of having to choose between two opposite courses, viz: recognition of the Southern States on the one hand, and sympathy or alliance with the States of the Federal section of the Union on the other. Well, the Government avoided both those extremes. They had consistently and strenuously pursued a middle course of strict neutrality, and had abstained from giving direct or indirect countenance or assistance to either of the belligerent parties. [Hear, hear.] It had been said that great complaints had been made by the Government at Washington that the Government of England had not maintained this strict neutrality, because it had recognized the South as a belligerent power, and it had been said that by recognizing the South as a belligerent power we had departed from a strict line of neutrality. Now he (Sir G. C. Lewis) could not but think that if any impartial person reflected on the course of this unhappy contest he would come to the conclusion that no word of the English language would apply with greater aptitude to the Southern States than the word ‘"belligerent."’ Here parties had combined for the purpose of carrying on a war, and when they looked to the number of armed men they had raised, when they looked to the large armies they had brought into the field, to the ability of the Generals by whom those armies were commanded, and to the pertinacity with which the contest on their part had been waged, it could not surely be denied that they deserved the name of ‘ "belligerents,"’ in deference to the manner in which they had carried on the war against the U. States. Everybody who read the accounts in the newspapers of what was doing in America, could see that, although there was a war there between these two contending powers, it was a war which was as yet undecided — a war which was waged, on the part of the Northern States, for the purpose of restoring the States to the condition of Union they were in before the war began; and on the part of the Southern States, it was a war to establish their independence. But the war must be admitted to be undecided. Its battlefields were still reeking with the blood of thousands of soldiers killed on both sides; and until the war had been decided on one side or the other, or until it had been decided so far in favor of the Southern States as to induce the Northern States to recognize their independence, or to prove to foreign States that the contest was exhausted, and that the Northern States were incapable of continuing the contest — until that moment arrived it could not be said, in accordance with the established doctrines of international law, that the independence of the Southern States had been established. [Hear, hear] He believed it was the general opinion of the people of this country that the contest would issue in the establishment of the independence of the South. He himself did not express that opinion; he did not say that he dissented from that opinion, but that was the general opinion in this country.

At a dinner given to Viscount Palmerston to celebrate the inauguration of the Hartley Institution, the Earl of Hardwick, returning thanks for the House of Lords, said be had been much interested, as he had no doubt all in that room had been by the late exhibitions of one (Mr. Gladstone) of her Majesty's Ministers in the North. [Hear] He had read the speeches delivered by that right honorable gentleman with great attention and he saw in them undoubtedly a very laudable desire to be extremely popular with the inhabitants of the towns. There was one expression used for which be thanked that right honorable gentleman. That expression was this: that Mr. Jefferson Davis had made a nation. [Cheers.] All he would say with reference to that nation was God speed them.--[Cheers.] The question at issue was not that of slavery, but of the despotism of the North.

The Paris correspondents say that the American question was said to have formed an important part of the discussion at the last Ministerial Council at St. Cloud. M. de Persigny, it is reported, pressed the claims of the Southern States to recognition, and that the Emperor overruled the portion of the Ministry favorable to immediate recognition, by expressing his determination to await the 1st of January and the issue of President Lincoln's proclamation. M. de Persigny is the earnest friend of Mr. Slidell, who still continues to represent the interests of the Confederate States in Paris, and to urge their recognition as an independent nationality by every possible means.

The London Herald and London Post, both organs of the extreme aristocrats, still write on the subject of intervention with favor.

The Frankfort Journal, a paper usually well posted in diplomatic affairs, asserts that a dispatch from Secretary Seward (not to be confounded with the circular of the 22d ult) has been transmitted to the representatives of the United States in Europe, which they are instructed to communicate to the courts at which they are accredited. It is said to contain no less than thirty closely written pages, and commences by stating that the President has at no time received direct offers of mediation from any European Government. If such had been made they would have been met with a ‘"categorical refusal"’

The European papers contain a notice of a very remarkable speech of ex-Gov. Morehead, of Kentucky, delivered to a Southern Secession club at Liverpool, England, on the causes and justifications of the South. Mr. Morehead, it appears, during the last week or so of Mr. Buchanan's administration, as a member of the Border States Peace Conference at Washington, and with some other Southern members of that body, had a very interesting conference or two with Mr. Seward and Mr. Lincoln, concerning their proposed policy towards the Southern Confederacy, which had then already been set up at Montgomery, Ala, under Jeff. Davis as Provisional President. It further appears, from Mr. Morehead's disclosures of these conferences, that Mr. Seward declared, "If I don't settle this matter to the entire satisfaction of the South in sixty days (meaning after the 4th of March, 1861,) I will give you my head for a football. Next, it seems that after a long conversation between Mr. Morehead and Mr. Wm. C. Rives, of Virginia, with Mr. Lincoln, garnished with some of the President's most pointed anecdotes, he said to the gentleman from the Old Dominion, (Mr. Rives,) ‘ "Mr. Rives, if Virginia will stay in I will withdraw the troops from Fort Sumter." ’

Mr. Dumes, bearer of dispatches from the French Minister of Washington to the French Consuls in the South, and Mr. A. Paul, French Consul at Richmond, left Baltimore on Sunday afternoon for Norfolk en route for the South.