The neutrality of the British Government.
We have frequently taken occasion to point out to our readers the true character of that neutrality in this contest which the
British Government so loudly professes, and which to the
Confederate States, has been neither more nor less than war in disguise.
Even the disguise has been of the most flimsy character, and, at present, since the open declaration of
Russell in the House of Lords, seems to have been laid aside altogether.
We, at last, after a long and strange infatuation, understand our true position relative, if not to
Great Britain, at least, to the
British Ministry.
They regard our cause with decided hostility.
They are profoundly anxious that in the present struggle slavery may be overthrown.
They perfectly well know that slavery cannot be overthrown, but in the overthrow of the
Confederate States.
In perfect consistence with this declaration, they have, from the beginning of the war, taken every opportunity that presented itself to strike us a blow, without making an open declaration of hostilities.--There can be little doubt that
Palmerston, ever ready to bully weak States and bombard their capitals, and equally ready to make any concession, however mean, to States that have the power to enforce their demands, would long since have lent his assistance to "crush the rebellion" had he not felt that it would be trying the temper of the
English nation too severely, and had it not been inconsistent with the established policy of the
British Government, which compels him to let the war go on until both parties shall have become exhausted.
As he could not venture openly to take sides, he has taken care to throw all the weight of his influence against that side which he dislikes, and in favor of that which he affects.--During the war between
Spain and her revolted American Colonies, as has been pointedly stated by the
London Index, a large fleet of privateers was openly built, armed, and manned in the ports of the
United States, to cruise against the merchant ships of
Spain, and they succeeded so well that, for a time, they almost destroyed the
Spanish trade with all parts of the world.
During the
Texan war many ships were built, armed, and manned for
Texas, in New York and New Orleans, and a recruiting station was opened in the very navy-yard of
Gosport.
During the war of Grecian independence, the Mediterranean swarmed with cruisers fitted out in the
United States, to fight against the Turks.
No attempt, so far as we know, was ever made to put an end to this practice by the
Government of the
United States, and the fact approbation which it received, ought to have deprived that Government of all right to complain of other nations in the same particular.
Yet we find the
British Government active in assisting the
Yankee Government to prevent so much as a schooner from being filled out in British ports to cruise against the
Yankees. "He that would have equity must do equity." Most assuredly he is not entitled to it who is guilty of the very offence which he charges as criminal against others.
We have, we say, often alluded to the character of the neutrality professed by the
British Government.
But there is one aspect of the case which, although presented in
England, has never been pressed here as it might have been.
The
Confederate States have always maintained that they had a right to dissolve at their pleasure all connection with the
Government of the late Union.--This right is a corollary from their quality of sovereignty as plain and as easily proved as any corollary from any geometrical proposition.
From the moment, therefore, of such separation, it is plain that the
Confederate States, and that portion of the continent called the
United States constitute
two peoples. Yet the
British Ministry have repeatedly, in the speeches from the throne, taken occasion to call this war "the civil war now raging in the
United States." By such a form of expression they take upon themselves to decide, in favor of the
Yankees, the very matter which is in dispute between us; for if this be a civil war, then, unquestionably, we are rebels.
Is this neutrality?
Is it not rather an open decision in favor of the one party against the other?
Is it not a plain and palpable interference with the internal affairs of a people with whom they profess to be on at least friendly terms?
