The Daily Dispatch: November 15, 1860., [Electronic resource]

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The South.
further accounts.

As announced by telegraph, the Legislature of South Carolina has adjourned, after passing a bill authorizing the Banks of that State to suspend specie payment, and calling a State Convention on the 17th of December. In Charleston, Monday night, a large secession meeting was held, at which resolutions were adopted pledging the participators to place the State, "at the earliest practicable moment, in a position of political independence of the present Federal Government." A testimonial is being prepared by the ladies of South Carolina to be presented to Hon. Caleb Cushing, of Mass. The Charleston First Regiment of Artillery has tendered its services to the Governor. "Old Abe" was burnt in effigy at Arken, S. C., on the night of the 9th inst. A correspondent of the Charleston Courier says:

‘ Last night our citizens turned out en masse to celebrate the event by a torchlight procession; the torches being of native pine, made a handsome appearance. All the residences along the line were filled with the fair sex, who sanctioned the proceedings by the waving of handkerchiefs, &c. Midway in the procession, between the two lines, was the effigy of Abe Lincoln, with the following placard suspended in the right hand: "Abe Lincoln, First President Northern Confederacy." The effigy was ridden on a rail, and carried by two negroes. After marching through the principal streets, the effigy was taken to a scaffold and hung by the negroes in charge of the same; the fire being applied, it was speedily consumed amid the cheers of the multitude.

’ A very large meeting took place in New Orleans on Saturday night, at which nearly 3,000 " Minute Men" were enrolled. Resolutions were adopted calling on the Governor of Louisiana to convene the Legislature. The "pledge" of the "Minute Men" is as follows:

‘ Whereas, It is certain that an Abolition candidate will be elected to the Chief Magistracy of the Union, upon the avowed and undisguised declaration on his part and on the part of his supporters, that the common Government shall be administered for the destruction of the rights and equality of the Southern States in the Union; and whereas we recognize the right of any sovereign State to withdraw from the partnership of States, whenever, in her sovereign capacity, she may determine that the objects of the Confederacy have been perverted, or not carried out in good faith: Therefore.

’ Resolved, That we, the citizens of Louisiana, acknowledge our allegiance to our State to be paramount to our allegiance to the Federal Government; and that, whereas Abraham Lincoln has been elected President, we most "solemnly pledge our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honors," to maintain, at all hazards and to the last extremity, any course she may adopt for self defence against the Federal Power.

Resolved, That if any Southern State determine to secede from the Union, we will, by all means in our power, assist her in her resistance against any effort on the part of a Black Republican Administration to coerce her back into the Confederacy.

Resolved, That it is the sacred duty of Southern men, in the present alarming crisis, to forget past political differences, and to unite together as brethren of one household, in determined opposition to the policy of the Black Republican party.

For the accomplishment of the purposes above set forth, we hereby pledge ourselves, and cordially invite men of all parties to join us, who prefer independence out of the Union to dependence, degradation and oppression within it.

Judge Cotton said he was glad to see the citizens representing all parties zealous in the cause of Southern rights. If you submit to the inauguration of Abe Lincoln, you deserve to be slaves. You must not wait for an overt act. The overt act has been committed. He would submit to no Lincoln office-holders in the city of New Orleans. We have no party differences — let us be united, and let us inquire into who are in our midst and where they came from. Undoubtedly there were enemies in our midst — we should see to them.

Mr. St. Paul spoke in great earnestness, and said that his rifle company, First Chasseurs a Fled, had tendered their services to the Governor of the State. It was a company composed of young men — but they were willing to shed their blood for their country. (Cheers for several minutes.)

J. M. Bonner said this occasion was one of the proudest in his life — to be called on to speak in the cause of the South. He had been a Douglas man, but when the news came from Pennsylvania and Indiana he became a Southern man, and was no longer a party man.--This was the time for all men to come forward and enroll themselves in the cause of the South.

The Lieut. Walker, of the Army, whose resignation at Augusta was bruited abroad, is in business there, and has not been in active service for several years. The importance which attached to the fact, therefore, was sensational.

The Charlestown (Va.) Democrat (the town where John Brown was hung,) comes to us with its columns in mourning for the result of the election. Of Virginia's position it says:

‘ If we submit, our position in future in this Confederacy is in effect that of mere provinces having no voice in the government; mere colonies, governed, too, by our bitterest enemies. If we submit, we are in no respect in a better condition than a conquered people.--But we will never submit to be so governed — never, never! We must and will assert independence. Virginia will never submit to be thus reduced to subjection without even an effort to preserve her liberties. She will enter into a new Confederacy in which her rights will be respected and her voice heard. We will, to the utmost of our ability, sustain our beloved State in assuming this independent position, and in pursuing the only honorable and safe course left her.

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Position of the Democracy at the North.

The Philadelphia Ledger says:

‘ The Democratic Association of the Twenty-Second Ward have held a meeting in reference to the present "crisis," and passed resolutions. These resolutions declare that the National Democracy have exerted themselves to the utmost to prevent the election of a sectional President, believing that it would seriously interrupt the continued prosperity and happiness of the country. They have been out-voted, and submit, believing that any other course would introduce evils greater than it could remedy. They look to the Constitution and the returning sense of justice of the people of the United States for a remedy for every wrong tending to provoke a gallant and patriotic people to desperation or violence. But, while exhibiting this fraternal and generous feeling, they see with alarm that the South is urged to desert the weaker party in the North, struck down in its defence, and appeal earnestly to it to continue to co-operate with its friends in the North, as the best means of checking any abuse of power and maintaining the Government upon its constitutional basis. They declare their devotion to the Union and the Constitution, and rejoice in the guarantee afforded for the preservation of the constitutional rights of all in the Union by the check which the National Legislature has upon the acts of the Executive.

’ This is a timely and appropriate expression of sentiment, which will be endorsed by every Northern friend of Southern rights and Southern equality. Those Southern politicians who are urging secession, under the belief that they will find Northern sympathy, and the great Democratic party in the North aiding a disruption of the Union, are mistaken in their conclusions. There is no such party North, and any movement towards secession will unite all parties in determined opposition. The Northern friends of the South in the late election co- operated with their brethren for the purpose of maintaining the Union in its integrity. They had experienced its benefits, enjoyed its advantages, and wished all sections of the Union to partake of its blessings and feel its securities. They took the constitutional and legal means to prevent what they believed had at least a tendency to impair the stability of their institutions, by exasperating sectional feeling or destroying confidence in the protection the Government has hitherto afforded to all the States. The decision was against them, but that decision being a legal and constitutional one, they are not disposed, in a moment of irritation, to precipitate the mischief they were trying to prevent.

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South Carolina in 1832.

The following extracts indicate how Gen. Jackson's proclamation in 1832 was received in South Carolina:

‘ [From the Charleston Mercury, Dec. 17, 1832.]

The Declaration of War made by Andrew Jackson against the State of South Carolina occupies to- day the larger portion of our columns. It will be read with the feelings which so extraordinary a document is calculated to excite. This unhappy old man has been suffered by his advisers to arrogate the power to coerce a State of Confederacy. He has issued the edict of a Dictator --an edict which time will prove whether he dares or can enforce. He has attempted in this proclamation to intimidate the Whigs of South Carolina by threats, and to encourage and foment insurrection and violence on the part of the internal enemies of the State. This document was received here yesterday, and greeted with the indignation and contempt which it merits. In every freeman worthy of the game it has excited no other feelings but those of defiance and scorn. a brave blow in the cause of

’ [From the Charleston Mercury, Dec. 19, 1832.]

The crisis for which every intelligent and resolute Carolinian Whig has long been prepared is come. The efficacy of our remedy has been demonstrated. We were told it would be inefficient; it has proved so potent that an infuriated administration has been compelled, in despair of otherwise defeating us to resort to brute force. We have always said that our remedy was of right peaceful — we never said that it would necessarily be peaceful — it is always in the power of a bad man to outrage right by violence, if unrestrained by principle or a fear of consequences personal to himself. Gen. Jackson has not furnished the first example. There has been a Cæsar, a Cromwell, and a Bonaparte — men of towering genius who have stooped to play the usurper. Why may not an inferior spirit without as much heart as either, and with none of their genius, aspire to imitate them in those actions of their lives which alone he can imitate, because they are criminal.

In the Legislature, Mr. Pickens declared "he believed the contest would end in blood. --The document of the President was none less than the edict of a tyrant; and if they were for war, he was ready, and it behooved all the citizens of the State to meet the storm with becoming manliness. He, for one, never would submit — if driven from the seaboard, he was for carrying on the war in the interior; if driven from the interior, he was for a guerilla warfare in the mountains; and if at last compelled to yield, he would die contending to the last drop of blood he had, to sustain the ordinance and the authority thereof. He adverted to the doctrines contained in the proclamation relative to the rights of the State, and was astonished that the President should attempt to seduce the citizens of the State from their proper allegiance, and in no measured terms denounced the whole procedure. He concluded by saying, that before South Carolina should recede, he was for war up to the very knife, and he was for risking all at every hazard on the die that was cast. "