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We have forborne to take away part in the discussions relative to the making soldiers of our slaves because it had not yet been formally proposed as a practical question, and we had hoped that it would be passed over. We did not wish to create a breach at a time when harmony is so desirable. As the discussion is to be forced upon us, however, we wish to express our opposition, and the grounds thereof, in as few words as we can.

The proposition, in the first place, is totally unconstitutional. We parted from the Old Government because of its determined purpose to interfere in the domestic affairs of the States. Were we still under that Government, engaged in a war with all Europe, and invaded by a million of men, surely nobody will contend that the General Government should possess the power, under the pretext of nety, to abolish slavery in the States by making rs of the slaves; for such is the undoubted effect of that measure. Now, we are not aware that the Confederate Government has any powers which the Federal Government had not.

Second. Let it be conceded that the constitutional power exists. The exercise of it is, nevertheless a confession of weakness, or rather a profession of a weakness which does not exist. We have no occasion to resort to any such extreme measure.--Our affairs are in a better condition, and our prospects brighter, than they ever have been since the commencement of the war.

Third. Armies must be fed, and in order to feed them, crops must be made. The negroes are our agricultural laborers. Take them from farmwork, and you destroy the army more effectually than Grant can do it with a million of men to back he has in the field.

Fourth. It would be a powerful stimulant to recruiting for the Yankees. There can be no doubt that a vast number would resort to them who are restrained at present by the apprehension of being forced into the ranks. They stay at home because there are in no danger. Let them see that it is as dangerous to stay as to go, and they will be pretty certain to go. For, with the Yankees, they get a high bounty for enlisting, and liberty and equality into the bargain. The services are set before them which of the two to choose, and there will, we be little hesitation as to the choice.

Fifth. We give up the whole question when we adopt this measure. Whatever we may be fighting the Yankees are fighting for "the nigger"; that the South. We are not disposed to gratify them if we can avoid it. Henry Ward in one of his speeches, made about a year ago, boasted that slavery had received a mortal and that this war would be the means of "New England ideas," that is, abolition free-loveism, and the whole brood throughout the continent. These he contended, would make a surer conquest sword.

of old won immortal renown by up their city, their wives and children, and rather than be subjugated. If we are to the same extremity, perhaps it will be make of our negroes: for it seems to about as much an act of desperation the other. But we deny that we have come or are likely to come to it.

position of the Confederate Executive to a larger number of blacks into the public as teamsters and laborers, cannot be reably objected to. There will be some division on the subject of setting free after the war such as are by the Government for these purposes. It is to be hoped that the discussion of the matter not be ined to an unnecessary length, and that the action of the Government will be at once and practical.

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