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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for May 17th or search for May 17th in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
p. 119. Lieber's Life and Letters, p. 346. has already caused an echo in Europe. I have kept it carefully in my committee room, where it still sleeps. My idea has been that we were not in a condition to give Louis Napoleon any excuse for hostility or recognition or breaking the blockade. At another time I shall be glad to speak plainly to France, or rather to its ruler; but I would not say anything now which cannot be maintained, nor which can add to our present embarrassments. Again, May 17:— Winter Davis has just come to press me about his Mexican resolution. Goldwin Smith's pamphlet is excellent. Letter to a Whig member of the Southern Independence Association. Lieber had asked Sumner to request the President to read it. Lieber's Life and Letters, p. 345. I doubt if it would interest the President, who reads very little. Seward said to me two days ago: There was a great cry last year on the question whether the President read despatches before they are sent; but I
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
, 1866. Works, vol. x. pp. 101-103. He spoke in favor of raising the rank of our diplomatic representatives abroad, with the view of insuring them due consideration, carrying his point against the opposition-of Fessenden and Grimes. May 16 and 17. Works, vol. x. pp. 450-457. He took part in the debate on a bill for relieving the Supreme Court of excessive business, stating his conviction that the true remedy was to confine that tribunal exclusively to appeals, and relieve the judges of ni, p. 2355. He paid a deserved tribute to Mr. Hunter, who had served in the department for more than thirty years, and carried a provision for the appointment of a second assistant secretary of state, a place intended for that officer. May 16 and 17: Works, vol. x. pp. 458-460. Other topics to which Sumner gave attention was a resolution on the attempted assassination of Alexander, Emperor of Russia, May 8, 1866 (Works, vol. x. pp. 432-434); the power of Congress to provide against the intro
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
erency as a point of our case against England. When the draft was submitted to Sumner he took strong ground against its waiver of the position on this point which our government had all along steadily held. Anxious, however, to keep the Administration from a fatal step, he submitted a sketch of a statement less distinct and positive than he wished. This, after reflection and a conference with Cushing (the two being in agreement on the question of belligerency), he recalled, withdrawing it May 17, as inadequate and doing injustice to the national cause, and wishing to keep himself free on a question which must necessarily come before Congress. He did not mean, if he could help it, that the greatest international controversy in our history—with its issue altogether in obscurity—should be deflected by a band of Cuban insurgents supported by American adventurers. At heart Mr. Fish was doubtless with him, and grateful to him for help in saving him from the sacrifice of the American po
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
gers, the editor, and the artist were all arrayed against Mr. Blaine, the Republican candidate, taking then Sumner's position of dissent from their own party. Harper's Weekly approved, Aug. 24, 1872, Blaine's criticism of Sumner's course. Sumner had been preparing for some weeks a speech against the re-election of President Grant, Sumner, in interviews, May 16 and 22. and in a letter to the colored people of Arkansas, May 22, had given intimations of his course. New York Tribune, May 17 and 23. and Congress had appointed June 3 as the end of the session. The report on the sale of arms to France had come in so late that no time could be set apart for its consideration. Sumner was obliged to take advantage of some opportunity, and moving (May 31) the indefinite postponement of the appropriation bill, he began, unexpectedly to the public, his speech, and held the floor for three hours. Works, vol. XV. pp. 83-171. He wore on that day the appearance of deep-seated convicti