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Kansas (Kansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
ed for the reading of General Schurz's report, but this was found to be impracticable on account of its length. Sumner, in brief remarks, said that the message was like the whitewashing message of Franklin Pierce with regard to the enormities in Kansas, and referred to Schurz's report as accurate, authentic, and most authoritative, and to Grant's visit as hasty. Works, vol. x. pp. 47-54. The epithet whitewashing drew at once protests from Reverdy Johnson and from two Republican supporte afterwards adopted in the fifteenth amendment. The committee's proposition was then rejected by a vote of twenty-five yeas to twenty-two nays—not two-thirds in favor of it. The Republicans voting against it were Brown, Dixon, Henderson, Lane of Kansas, Pomeroy, Stewart, Sumner, and Yates. Sprague of Rhode Island had intended to vote against the amendment, but informed Sumner the day before by note that he should support it. Chief-Justice Chase wrote Sumner, on the morning of the day when th
North Carolina (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
; Works, vol. XII. pp. 414-438. He expressed himself, May 28, in favor of applying the condition to Arkansas. (Congressional Globe, p. 2628.) His argument did not satisfy some of his friends, particularly E. L. Pierce, who wrote, June 23, doubting the validity of such conditions after the admission of the State, and regarding a constitutional prohibition as the only perfect and effective remedy.—when he was supported by the entire Republican vote; and the bill applying the condition to North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Georgia, and Alabama became a law notwithstanding President Johnson's veto. It passed the Senate June 25, 1868. The partisans of woman suffrage made an effort without success to enlist Sumner in their movement. Withholding an opinion as to its essential merits, he dismissed it as unseasonable at a period when it was likely to embarrass the pressing issue of the equality of the races as to the franchise. Feb. 14 and 21, 1866. Congressional Globe, pp
Quito (Ecuador) (search for this): chapter 8
es is with him; Stanton, Harlan, and Speed are against his policy,—so that his Cabinet is nearly equally divided. When I speak of the opinions of these men I speak according to my personal knowledge, from conversation with each of them. I do not think that they are always frank with the President. Seward is rash and visionary, with a most wonderful want of common-sense. For instance, only a week ago he told me that he had drawn a message for the President, asking for proceedings against Ecuador, because this puny republic had failed to pay the first instalment on an award of our claims, and that he has had a bill drawn, which he hoped I would report, giving to the President the authority to make reprisals. I made a mild protest at the time, shrugged my shoulders, and said, If we must do this thing, let us take one of our size. Since then the message has been received, and is now before my committee, where it is safe enough. Meanwhile I have ascertained the sum for which war wa
San Francisco (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
he one who was answering it, Give him my love, and then lapsed into the partial unconsciousness of an aged invalid whose days were nearly numbered. Summoned by telegram, he left Washington, June 10, for her bedside,—his first absence from his seat since his public life began, except during the disability which followed the assault in 1856. She died June 15. Large as the family had been, he was the only relative present,—the one surviving daughter, Mrs. Hastings, being at her home in San Francisco. The funeral service was conducted at the house by Rev. Henry W. Foote, who afterwards performed the same service for the son. Before returning to Washington, Sumner accepted an invitation to drive with his friend, E. L. Pierce, in the suburb of Milton,—a diversion which he had been accustomed to take once during each recess of Congress. During the drive around the Blue Hills, the conversation turning upon the conditions which inclined people to marriage, he said that for the first tim<
West Indies (search for this): chapter 8
e arranged. He expects that the emperor will make some statement in his address to the Chambers which will open the way to a good understanding; I hope so. Sir F. Bruce is very amiable and excellent, but he can do nothing. Lord Russell has sent him on an impossible mission. It is time that your ministry should consider the old rule, that whoso would have equity must do equity. I write in great haste, and merely to wish you a Happy New Year. Seward assures me that his voyage To the West Indies. is solely for health and to avoid holidays. To Bemis, March 15:— As to Bancroft's eulogy, On President Lincoln before Congress, in which foreign nations were arraigned for their treatment of this country during the Civil War. I felt at the time that there was something wrong in such a speech when the diplomatic corps were official guests. Of course I objected to his adhesion to Mr. Johnson's absurd scheme of reconstruction. But the chief error was in addressing such a spee
Connecticut (Connecticut, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
husiasm. Stevens saw in it the speedy regeneration of the South. Wilson approved it with his heart, his conscience, and his judgment, and was ready to go to the scaffold joyfully in order to put it into the Constitution! Many who would gladly have gone further were deterred by the fear that a prohibition of race discrimination in suffrage would fail in the Northern States, in the larger number of which the negro was still excluded from the elective franchise by stubborn prejudice—as in Connecticut and Wisconsin, where the exclusion had recently been reaffirmed. Sumner had no sympathy, or even patience, with the proposed amendment so far as it concerned representation, regarding it as another compromise with human rights, and, in the form in which it was first submitted to the Senate, as an express recognition of the right of the State to make an unrepublican discrimination on account of race or color, hitherto kept out of the Constitution; The partisans of the amendment claim
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 8
ed two measures—universal suffrage and universal amnesty. Davis of Kentucky, rarely in accord with Sumner, made a hearty response to his view. The course of Great Britain towards the United States during the Civil War had left a deep sense of wrong in the minds of our people. The British government still maintained that it had ernments with which we were at peace. Chandler in the Senate, Jan. 15, 1866 (Congressional Globe, p. 226), had proposed a resolution of non-intercourse with Great Britain on account of her refusal to entertain the Alabama claims; but it was laid on the table (Globe, p. 243) on Reverdy Johnson s motion, Sumner voting for it. Bankto indemnify the owners of a British vessel illegally seized by one of our ships of war— expressing his earnest desire, when defending it, that notwithstanding Great Britain still denied compensation for our just claims, our own country should be kept firm and constant in the attitude of justice. June 26. Works, vol. x. pp. 47
Norfolk (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
They passed acts of apprenticeship and vagrancy, and other statutes, which reduced the freedmen to a condition of peonage, punished their breaches of contract as crimes, denied to them the power to acquire real estate or to carry arms, and excluded them from other privileges and rights enjoyed by white persons. This legislation represented the spirit of the people at the time, which was shown in persecutions of various kinds and in acts of violence, which finally culminated in massacres at Norfolk, Memphis, New Orleans, and Mobile. Immediately after the autumn election, Sumner sent to the President an appeal against his policy in a long telegraphic despatch. Nov. 12, 1865. Address, Oct. 2, 1866; Works, vol. XI. p. 24. On arriving in Washington the Saturday evening before the session began, he sought the President at once, and passed two and a half hours with him. Works, vol. XI. pp. 24, 25. He found him changed in temper and purpose, . . . no longer sympathetic, or even
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 8
ll other citizens, to be maintained by the United States (through Congress) under its constitutionaceling is left as head and chief. Can the United States send commissioners to be presided over by ation, and above all, from the duty of the United States to guarantee to every State a republican f The course of Great Britain towards the United States during the Civil War had left a deep senseo either belligerent in a foreign war, the United States not being a party thereto; and repealed th, and he was determined always to keep the United States strictly within the lines of internationaln and consolidation of the statutes of the United States—a measure which Sumner was the first to prx. pp. 435-449); the representation of the United States at the Paris Exhibition in 1867. Jan. 10 aernments on condition of emigrating to the United States, March 19 (Globe. pp. 1492, 1493); claims Dr. Brown-Sequard, then sojourning in the United States. Longfellow wrote to a common friend, G.
Venice (Italy) (search for this): chapter 8
an excellent letter. Meanwhile on both sides of the water affairs have moved rapidly. I am glad that England keeps out of Continental war. She is wise in this, and will increase in means for any future emergency. If I could admire battle, I should confess the singular brilliancy of that victory by which Austria has been driven from the German Confederation. The war between Prussia and Austria terminated in July, 1866, creating the North German Confederation, and forcing the cession of Venice to Italy. Of course I rejoice in the result. It seems as if German unity must be established; and as this is normal and natural, I am sure that it must be for the welfare of mankind. Two days ago I was much disturbed by the cable news that France insisted upon going to the Rhine. In this claim I saw nothing but terrible war. All Germany would rise as in 1813. I am glad to learn to-day that the claim is abandoned. Our President goes on from bad to worse. He is another James II, with
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