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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 539 1 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 88 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 58 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Women and Men 54 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 54 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Book and heart: essays on literature and life 44 0 Browse Search
Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir 39 1 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, The new world and the new book 38 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition. 38 0 Browse Search
Bliss Perry, The American spirit in lierature: a chronicle of great interpreters 36 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Americans or search for Americans in all documents.

Your search returned 13 results in 8 document sections:

Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), Doc. 45.--an English protest against Southern recognition. (search)
gnition from without of any new claims put forth in such an interval; and the American nation has a right to expect front its foreign allies patience to wait till the people have spoken and taken their course of action. The inauguration address of the Provisional President of the South was intended to produce just such an effect as it seems to have produced on Mr. Gregory's mind. This audacious parody on the Declaration of Independence might, it was evidently thought, catch the ear of Americans, to whom that Declaration is as familiar as the Lord's Prayer; and it might entrap the imagination of foreigners who might not have paid sufficient attention to the course of American affairs to detect its inapplicability. One does not look for extreme accuracy or for any impartiality in political manifestoes issued by revolutionary officials, on their first attempt to rule the people they have raised; but it may be doubted whether in any European conflict within this revolutionary centur
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), Doc. 57.--a proclamation.-by the President of the United States. (search)
ine. The American flag trails in the dust. There is from this hour no longer any middle or neutral ground to occupy. All party lines cease. Democrats, Whigs, Americans, Republicans, and Union men, all merge into one or two parties — patriots or traitors. For ourselves, we are not prepared for either or any form of government w— party cries are hushed or emptied of meaning — men forget that they were Democrats or Republicans, in the newly aroused and intense consciousness that they are Americans. The ordeal now upon us may cost our country many lives and much treasure, but its fruits will be richly worth them all. But few weeks have elapsed since babblis and foolish one. What advantage can possibly accrue to any one from this war, however prolonged it might be? Does any man suppose that millions of free white Americans in the Southern States, who will soon be arrayed against us, can be conquered by any efforts which can be brought against them? Brave men, fighting on their own<
, I look now upon a multitude that knows no party divisions — no Whigs, Democrats or Republicans. (A voice, We are all Americans and for the Union. Great cheering.) There is no party but the Union. The only distinction now, until this contest shaon and our laws, and we will enforce our Constitution and our laws (Applause.) Speech of Henry J. Raymond. Fellow-Americans and brethren, in the cause of human liberty I never felt more at a loss for words, I never felt more the poverty of hum now as ever; and the North will be victorious. It has often been asserted that the almighty dollar was the only thing Americans cared about; but it is evident there is something higher in existence, and it wanted only the emergency to prove it. Whee institutions, popular government, and manhood. (Cheers.) Let you and I, then, prove ourselves worthy of the name of Americans. No matter where you were born, We believe these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they
en forced upon us, we are of one heart and one mind, that the government of the country must be sustained. We are a law-abiding, quiet-loving community. Our time, our thoughts, our energies, are habitually devoted to the peaceful arts by which states grow and prosper; but upon an issue in which the life of the country is involved, we rally as one man to its defence. All former differences of opinion are swept away; we forget that we have ever been partizans; we remember only that we are Americans, and that our country is in peril. And what is it that has kindled this quiet and peace-loving community to the present unexampled excitement — a patriotic unanimity not witnessed even in 1776? Why is it, that the flag of the country — always honored, always beloved — is now, all at once, worshipped, I may say, with the passionate homage of this whole people? Why does it float, as never before, not merely from arsenal and masthead, but from tower and steeple, from the public edifices,<
e Constitution was signed, and from whence our illustrious founder issued to his countrymen his immortal Farewell Address — we adopt this mode of testifying our admiration, and offering you our deep-felt thanks for your great services to your country, in this hour of her extremest peril — services which will rival in immortality, and, we trust, in their triumphant results, your early and subsequent renown in the second and third great wars of the United States. At a time like this, when Americans, distinguished by the favor of their country, entrenched in power, and otherwise high in influence and station, civil and military, are renouncing their allegiance to the flag they have sworn to support, it is an inexpressible source of consolation and pride to us to know that the General-in-Chief of the army remains like an impregnable fortress at the post of duty and glory, and that he will continue to the last to uphold that flag, and defend it, if necessary, with his sword, even if his
f the civilized world and of future ages — a court of last appeal, the code of which is based on the Divine principles of right and reason, which are dispassionate and eternal. No man, on either side of the Atlantic with Anglo-Saxon blood in his veins, will dispute the right of a people, or of any portion of a people to rise against oppression, to demand redress of grievances, and in case of denial of justice to take up arms to vindicate the sacred principle of liberty. Few Englishmen or Americans will deny that the source of government is the consent of the governed, or that every nation has the right to govern itself according to its will. When the silent consent is changed to fierce remonstrance, the revolution is impending. The right of revolution is indisputable. It is written on the whole record of our race. British and American history is made up of rebellion and revolution. Many of the crowned kings were rebels or usurpers; Hampden, Pym, and Oliver Cromwell; Washington,
y a Southern cruiser, a British court would hold that they ought to be confiscated. But in American courts the result is more doubtful. According to American jurists, the rule of public law, that the property of an enemy is liable to capture on the vessel of a friend, is now declared on the part of the American Government to have no foundation in natural right; and that the usage which undoubtedly exists, rests entirely on force. These doctrines were propounded when it was the object of Americans to enlarge the rights of neutrals. It remains to be seen whether they will be upheld in the present crisis. If they are, the neutral powers may insist that the American cruisers shall not seize the goods of an enemy when found on board a neutral friend's ship. On the other hand, if, in the course of searching an enemy's ship, the goods of a neutral friend are found, it is the admitted law of nations that such goods are not liable to be seized. But the Americans have carried this princi
ect him with the North. There are no naval stations on the Southern coasts, except one at Pensacola, and he knows almost no one in the South. He has no fortune whatever, his fleet consists of two small river or coasting steamers, without guns, and as he said, in talking over the resources of the South, My bones will be bleached many a long year before the Confederate States can hope to have a navy. State rights! To us the question is simply inexplicable or absurd. And yet thousands of Americans sacrifice all for it. The river at Savannah is broad as the Thames at Gravesend, and resembles that stream very much in the color of its waters and the level nature of its shores. Rice-fields bound it on either side, as far down as the influence of the fresh water extends, and the eye wanders over a flat expanse of mud and water, and green osiers and rushes, till its search is arrested on the horizon by the unfailing line of forest. In the fields here and there are the white-washed squar