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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
Slavery. It insulted and exiled from Charleston and New Orleans, the honored representatives of Massachusetts who were sent to those places in order to throw the shield of the Constitution over her colored citizens. It has, by the pen of Mr. Calhoun, as Secretary of State, in formal dispatches, made the Republic stand before the nations of the earth as the vindicator of Slavery. It has put forth the hideous effrontery that Slavery can go to all newly acquired territories, and have the ded joy: and these voters were scattered through all the Free States. The period of his election was a marked era in our politics. Most of the statesmen who had swayed the country, from the time of Madison, were disappearing from the field. Mr. Calhoun was already dead: Henry Clay was soon to follow. The old Whig party had fought its last battle. The Democrats had centred all their chances upon the South and the Pro-Slavery party of the North, and there it was to fight its last fight befor
to shield Slavery, practically denying the right of petition. It denies to the free colored citizens of Massachusetts the privileges secured to them under the Constitution of the United States, by imprisoning them, and sometimes selling them into Slavery. It insulted and exiled from Charleston and New Orleans, the honored representatives of Massachusetts who were sent to those places in order to throw the shield of the Constitution over her colored citizens. It has, by the pen of Mr. Calhoun, as Secretary of State, in formal dispatches, made the Republic stand before the nations of the earth as the vindicator of Slavery. It has put forth the hideous effrontery that Slavery can go to all newly acquired territories, and have the protection of the national flag. Such are some of the usurpations and aggressions of the Slave Power! By such steps the Federal Government has been perverted from its original purposes, its character changed, and its powers subjected to Slavery.
could take care of itself; that if crushed to earth, it would rise again. This was sometimes attributed to recklessness, and sometimes to indifference; whilst all the time it was an assurance of faith which impressed those who knew him best, with its positive sublimity. But wherever the news of his election to the Senate became known, among the three hundred thousand Free-Soil voters in the recent Presidential contest, it was received with unbounded joy: and these voters were scattered through all the Free States. The period of his election was a marked era in our politics. Most of the statesmen who had swayed the country, from the time of Madison, were disappearing from the field. Mr. Calhoun was already dead: Henry Clay was soon to follow. The old Whig party had fought its last battle. The Democrats had centred all their chances upon the South and the Pro-Slavery party of the North, and there it was to fight its last fight before it dissolved in the fires of the Rebellion.
s with the commission of the Commonwealth, in order to throw the shield of the Constitution over her colored citizens. The Slave Oligarchy has, by the pen of Mr. Calhoun, as Secretary of State, in formal despatches, made the Republic stand before the nations of the earth as the vindicator of Slavery. The Slave Oligarchy has plly sanctioned by its votes, also upheld at the time by a slave-holding President, James Monroe, and his cabinet—of whom a majority were slaveholders, including Mr. Calhoun himself—and made the condition of the admission of Missouri—without which that State could not have been received into the Union. Suddenly, during the last yeaalso upheld at the time by the essential approbation of a slaveholding President, James Monroe, and his Cabinet, of whom a majority were slaveholders, including Mr. Calhoun himself; and this compromise was made the condition of the admission of Missouri, without which that State could not have been received into the Union. The bar<
garchy, in defiance of the privileges secured under the Constitution of the United States, imprisons the free colored citizens of Massachusetts, and sometimes sells them into bondage. The Slave Oligarchy insulted and exiled from Charleston and New Orleans the honored representatives of Massachusetts, who were sent to those places with the commission of the Commonwealth, in order to throw the shield of the Constitution over her colored citizens. The Slave Oligarchy has, by the pen of Mr. Calhoun, as Secretary of State, in formal despatches, made the Republic stand before the nations of the earth as the vindicator of Slavery. The Slave Oligarchy has put forth the hideous effrontery that Slavery can go to all newly acquired territories, and enjoy the protection of the National Flag. The Slave Oligarchy has imposed upon the country an Act of Congress, for the recovery of fugitive slaves, revolting in its mandates, and many times unconstitutional; especially on two grounds, fir
ith the admission of Missouri as a slaveholding State, and the prohibition of Slavery in all the remaining territory West of the Mississippi and North of 36° 30′. Here was a solemn act of legislation, called at the time a compromise, a covenant, a compact, first brought forward by the Slave Oligarchy—vindicated by it in debate—finally sanctioned by its votes, also upheld at the time by a slave-holding President, James Monroe, and his cabinet—of whom a majority were slaveholders, including Mr. Calhoun himself—and made the condition of the admission of Missouri—without which that State could not have been received into the Union. Suddenly, during the last year—without any notice in the public press or the prayer of a single petition—after an acquiescence of thirty-three years, and the irreclaimable possession by the Slave Oligarchy of its special share in the provisions of this Compromise—in violation of every obligation of honor, compact and good neighborhood—and in cont
g the condition of other territory south of this line, or subsequently acquired, untouched by the arrangement. Here was a solemn act of legislation, called at the time compromise, covenant, compact, first brought forward in this body by a slaveholder, vindicated in debate by slaveholders, finally sanctioned by slaveholding votes,—also upheld at the time by the essential approbation of a slaveholding President, James Monroe, and his Cabinet, of whom a majority were slaveholders, including Mr. Calhoun himself; and this compromise was made the condition of the admission of Missouri, without which that State could not have been received into the Union. The bargain was simple, and was applicable, of course, only to the territory named. Leaving all other territory to await the judgment of another generation, the South said to the North, Conquer your prejudices so far as to admit Missouri as a Slave State, and, in consideration of this much-coveted boon, Slavery shall be prohibited foreve
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Seventh: return to the Senate. (search)
aracter of Slavery, as a pretended form of Civilization, is put directly in issue, with a pertinacity and a hardihood which banish all reserve on this side. In these assumptions Senators from South Carolina naturally take the lead. Following Mr. Calhoun, who pronounced Slavery the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear free and stable political institutions, and Mr. McDuffie, who did not shrink from calling it the corner-stone of our republican edifice, the Senator from South Carf his face. Thus is the brand of degradation stamped upon that daily toil which contributes so much to a true Civilization. It is a constant boast in the Slave States, that white men there will not perform work performed in the Free States. Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Waddy Thompson made this boast. Let it be borne in mind, then, that, where Slavery prevails, there is not only despair for the black man, but inequality and ignominy for the white laborer. By necessary consequence, the latter, whethe
water. There is austere work to be done, and Freedom cannot consent to fling away any of her weapons. If I were disposed to shrink from this discussion, the boundless assumptions made by Senators on the other side would not allow me. The whole character of Slavery, as a pretended form of Civilization, is put directly in issue, with a pertinacity and a hardihood which banish all reserve on this side. In these assumptions Senators from South Carolina naturally take the lead. Following Mr. Calhoun, who pronounced Slavery the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear free and stable political institutions, and Mr. McDuffie, who did not shrink from calling it the corner-stone of our republican edifice, the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. Hammond] insists that its frame of society is the best in the world; and his colleague [Mr. Chesnut] takes up the strain. One Senator from Mississippi [Mr. Jefferson Davis] adds, that Slavery is but a form of civil government for those wh
ree appointing labor as the duty of man, and declaring that in the sweat of his face shall he eat his bread. The Slave-Master says, No! this is true of the slave, of the black man, but not of the white man: he shall not eat his bread in the sweat of his face. Thus is the brand of degradation stamped upon that daily toil which contributes so much to a true Civilization. It is a constant boast in the Slave States, that white men there will not perform work performed in the Free States. Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Waddy Thompson made this boast. Let it be borne in mind, then, that, where Slavery prevails, there is not only despair for the black man, but inequality and ignominy for the white laborer. By necessary consequence, the latter, whether emigrating from our Free States or fleeing from oppression and wretchedness in his European home, avoids a region disabled by such a social law. Hence a twofold injustice: practically he is excluded from the land, while the land itself becomes a pr