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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 126 0 Browse Search
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 115 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 94 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 64 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 42 0 Browse Search
Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders. 38 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 36 2 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 34 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 28 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 24 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for John C. Calhoun or search for John C. Calhoun in all documents.

Your search returned 19 results in 7 document sections:

Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 2 (search)
h laws as will best preserve us from calamities. As to duty, will you turn the ship of State adrift? what will become of the officers? Mr. Maseyck--There is no duty for the Collector of the Port to do. The Post-office has been swept off. My opinion is that the present system of postal arrangements is a nuisance. The public can be better served by private parties between cities like Philadelphia and New York, one cent instead of three, and between less important ten or more cents. Mr. Calhoun--We have pulled a temple down that has been built three-quarters of a century. We must clear the rubbish away to reconstruct another. We are now houseless and homeless, and we must secure ourselves against storms. Mr. Dunkin--If that ordinance be passed things will go on in the Custom-house and Post-office exactly as now, until other arrangements can be made by this Convention. There is nothing in the Ordinance to affect the dignity, honor, and welfare of the State of South Carolina
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 24 (search)
t when the States themselves, and the people of the States, have so acted as to convince us that they will not regard our constitutional rights, then, and then for the first time, arises the question of secession in its practical application. That great man who now reposes with his fathers, who has been so often arraigned for want of fealty to the Union, advocated the doctrine of nullification, because it preserved the Union. It was because of his deepseated attachment to the Union that Mr. Calhoun advocated the doctrine of nullification, which he claimed would give peace within the limits of the Union, and not disturb it, and only be the means of bringing the agent before the proper tribunal of the States for judgment. Secession belongs to a different class of rights, and is to be justified upon the basis that the States are sovereign. The time has been, and I hope the time will come again, when a better appreciation of our Union will prevent any one denying that each State is a
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 77 (search)
ister. The old General roused his departing energies, and exclaimed, It is that I did not hang Calhoun. His reason was prophetic. John C. Calhoun, having sowed the seeds of nullification, whose blJohn C. Calhoun, having sowed the seeds of nullification, whose blossoms were secession, and the fruit fraternal bloodshed and civil war!--facilis descensus Averni!--we are now called upon to teach the people of the South a salutary lesson of submission to the Consin his grave, and who endeavored thirty years ago to dissolve this Union. (Three groans for John C. Calhoun.) It has not been because the Government was unkind or unjust in its operation, but it was immediately after Fort Sumter had surrendered. This Governor of South Carolina, the pupil of Mr. Calhoun, under the tutorship of Jefferson Davis, thus speaks of our flag — a flag which was never tra rebels, is criminal and absurd. Inter arma leges silent. When Gen. Jackson threatened to hang Calhoun, he was told by his Attorney-General that there was no law for it. His reply was, If you can't
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 137 (search)
ith the reminiscences of a conversation which passed between Mr. John C. Calhoun and myself in the latter part of December, 1812, after the dp their quarters at Mrs. Bushby's boarding-house, among whom was Mr. Calhoun, a new member from South Carolina--and I believe this was his fi the self-sufficiency and arrogance of our oppressive enemy. Mr. Calhoun's age, I thought, approximated my own, which was thirty-four; anll the attributes, professions, and advantages of democracy. Mr. Calhoun replied: I see you speak through the head of a young statesman,ir three-fourths rule. I laughed incredulously, and said, well, Mr. Calhoun, ere such can take place, you and I will have been so long non eified to the letter as predicted by that far-seeing statesman, John C. Calhoun. Even this noble republic is disrupted, its Constitution rentder our Union. Had a prophet arisen in 1812, and predicted as John C. Calhoun did, nothing short of divine inspiration could have given cred
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 148 (search)
re numerous enough in Congress, had they remained at their posts, as they were bound to do by their oaths and their duty to the holy cause of Constitutional Government, successfully and peacefully to have thwarted it. The professed especial friends of Southern rights, instead of this, rudely shot from their spheres, and, under the utterly ridiculous claim of constitutional right, advised State secession. Madmen — if not worse — they desecrated, too, in support of this dogma, the name of Calhoun. He may have committed political errors — who has not? His doctrine of nullification was certainly one, in the judgment of all his great compeers, sanctioned by almost the entire country, but he never maintained the nonsensical heresy of rightful secession. On the contrary, long after that of the short-lived nullification, in February, 1844, writing to his political friends and supporters refusing to permit his name to be presented before the then approaching Baltimore Convention, he sai<
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 152 (search)
e first principles of our political organization, should fly in the face of our history, should trample under foot the teachings of Jay, Hamilton, Washington, Marshall, Madison, Dane, Kent, Story, and Webster, and, accepting only the dogmas of Mr. Calhoun as infallible, surrender forever our national laws and our national existence. Englishmen themselves live in a united empire; but if the kingdom of Scotland should secede, should seize all the national property, forts, arsenals, and public innumerable woes of disunion out of which we had been rescued by the Constitution began to fade into the past, the allegiance to the Union, in certain regions of the country, seemed rapidly to diminish. It was reserved to the subtle genius of Mr. Calhoun, one of the most logical, brilliant, and persuasive orators that ever lived, to embody once more, in a set of sounding sophisms, the main arguments which had been unsuccessfully used in a former generation to prevent the adoption of the Consti
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 278 (search)
etermined not to be satisfied. In reference to the measures referred to by Professor Tucker, looking towards the relations of the new confederacy with foreign powers, it may be worth while to allude to a recent statement that in the days of Mr. Calhoun a plan for the dissolution of the Union and the formation of a great slaveholding power, was presented by his friends to Lord Aberdeen, and that some words attributed to that statesman, are supposed to have given rise to the hopes of British ses of defence. President Jackson, in 1832, repressed by the arm of General Scott, and amid the hearty applause of the nation, the defiant nullification of South Carolina, and President Tyler, in 1843, with the approval of his Secretary, Mr. John C. Calhoun, sent United States troops to Rhode Island to suppress the State revolution, organized by a majority of the people of the State, but in violation of the existing State constitution, under the leadership of Governor Thomas W. Dorr. When