Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for House or search for House in all documents.

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t Committee, whereof a conspicuous champion of Slavery was Chairman. The Abolitionists perceived and eagerly embraced their opportunity. They demanded a hearing before this Committee — they being accused of grave misdemeanors in the documents whereon it was to act — and their request was tardily acceded to. On the 3d of March, 1836, they were apprised that they would be heard next day. They were duly present accordingly — the Committee sitting in the spacious Representatives' Hall, neither House being in session. Brief addresses in their behalf were heard from Rev. Samuel J. May and Ellis Gray Loring, who were followed by Professor Charles Follen, who, in the course of his remarks, alluded to the mob outrages to which the Abolitionists had recently been subjected, remarking that any legislative enactment to their prejudice would tend to encourage their adversaries to repeat those outrages. The Chairman treated this remark as disrespectful to the Committee, and abruptly terminated <
glas of Illinois, Fitzgerald of Michigan, and Hannegan of Indiana (all Democrats), from Free States. to 27 Nays; but the bill being thus returned to the House, the Senate's amendment was there (March 2) rejected: Yeas 100 (thirteen of them from Free States) to Nays 114 (all from Free States). The bill was then returned in its original shape to the Senate. The Senate insisted on its amendment, and asked a conference, which was granted, but nothing came of it. The Committee reported to either House its inability to agree, and was discharged. Mr. McClernand (Democrat), of Illinois, now moved that the House recede from its non-concurrence in the Senate's amendment, which prevailed — Yeas 111; Nays 106; whereupon Mr. Richard W. Thompson (Whig), of Indiana, moved that the House do concur with the Senate with an amendment, which was, in fact, a substitute for the Senate's project, and of which the gist was a provision that until the 4th of July, 1850, unless Congress shall sooner provide
opportunity for amendment — was ordered to a third reading by 109 Yeas to 75 Nays — every member from a Slave State who voted at all, voting Yea, with 28 Democrats and 3 Samuel A. Eliot, Massachusetts, John L. Taylor, Ohio, Edward W. McGaughey, Indiana. Whigs from Free States. From the Free States 33, from the Slave States 15 members were absent, or withheld their votes; and, as the vote in the Senate stood 27 for to 12 against it, with 21 absent, it is note-worthy that it passed either House by the votes of a decided minority of the members thereof. Still, it is hardly probable that, had every member been present and voted, it would have been defeated. This measure, so inconsiderately adopted, was specially objectionable to the humaner instincts of the Free States in these particulars: 1. It directed and provided for the surrender to the claimant of each alleged fugitive from Slavery without allowing such alleged fugitive a trial by jury; though the Federal Constitution
1855, had a census of the Territory taken, which showed a total population of 8,501, whereof 2,905 were voters and 242 slaves. He thereupon ordered an election for a first Territorial Legislature and for certain county officers, to be held on the 30th of March, which took place accordingly. All of border Missouri was on hand; and the invaders had been so nicely apportioned and directed to the several districts and polls that they elected all the members, with a single exception, in either House — the two Free-Soilers being chosen from a remote inland district which the Missourians had overlooked or did not care to reach. Although but 831 legal electors voted, there were no less than 6,320 votes polled. Even at Lawrence, where there were but 369 voters in all, and not half a dozen of them pro-Slavery, the vote returned was — pro-Slavery, 781; Free State, 253. At Marysville, where there were 24 legal voters, 328 votes were returned, all pro-Slavery. There was no disguise, no pret
s and interruptions, proposed the following preamble and resolution: Whereas, certain members of this House, now in nomination for Speaker, did indorse and recommend the book hereinafter mentioned, Resolved, That the doctrines and sentiments of a certain book called The Impending Crisis of the South--How to meet it, purporting to have been written by one Hinton R. Helper, are insurrectionary and hostile to the domestic peace and tranquillity of the country; and that no member of this House who has indorsed and recommended it, or the compend from it, is fit to be Speaker of this House. The book thus advertised was written by a young North Carolinian of the poorer middle class, who, having migrated to California, and spent some time in the Northern States, had imbibed ideas respecting Slavery which it was not safe to express in his native State. Those ideas he had embodied in his Impending crisis, which was, in substance, a vehement appeal to the poor whites of the South ag
ge of the great act of deliverance and liberty. The President, at a quarter past 1, announced that the Ordinance had unanimously passed; whereupon there burst forth a pent — up flood of congratulatory and jubilant speeches, and then the Convention adjourned, to meet again in the evening for a more formal ratification, at which the Governor Francis W. Pickens, newly chosen by the Legislature; an original Nullifier and life-long Disunionist, born insensible to fear. He was in Congress (House) from 1835 to 1843; sent as Minister to Russia by Buchanan in 1858. and Legislature were invited to attend. Then and there, the Ordinance, having been duly engrossed, was read by the President, then signed by all the delegates in alphabetical order, and thereupon displayed by the President to the enthusiastic crowd, with a declaration that the State of South Carolina is now and henceforth a free and independent commonwealth. And then, with wild, prolonged, exulting huzzas, the assemblage d
on in Congress. Buchanan and Black condemn coercion Mr. Crittenden and his Compromise Mr. Corwin's Committee of thirty-one Senator Anthony's proffer C. L. Vallandigham's project the Corwin constitutional amendment adopted by either House. the XXXVIth Congress reconvened for its second and last session on Monday, December 3, 1860, and President Buchanan transmitted his fourth and last Annual Message next day. After briefly stating therein that the year then closing had been one us to pass the Crittenden Compromise, and all shall be peace and harmony, they would have succeeded without difficulty. It was only through the withdrawal of pro-Slavery members that the Republicans had achieved an unexpected majority in either House. Had those members chosen to return to the seats still awaiting them, and to support Mr. Crittenden's proposition, they could have carried it without difficulty. III. But it was abundantly evident that the passage of this measure would not r
was seized by the volunteers, now flocking to that city by direction of the State authorities; Castle Pinckney, Fort Moultrie, and Sullivan's Island, were likewise occupied by them, and their defenses vigorously enlarged and improved. The Custom-House, Post-Office, etc., were likewise appropriated, without resistance or commotion; the Federal officers having them in charge being original, active, and ardent Secessionists. The lights in the light-houses were extinguished, and the buoys in the e in office. He may not remove from office any functionaries, but members of his Cabinet, without referring the same, with his reasons therefor, to the Senate. The heads of departments may each, by law, be accorded a seat on the floor of either House, with the privilege of discussing any measures pertaining to his department. This Constitution further provides that No bounties shall be granted from the Treasury, nor shall any duties or taxes on importations be levied to promote or foster
fixed fact — it would soon be composed of ten, and perhaps of thirteen, States; President Lincoln was a usurper, mad with sectional hate, and bent on subjugating or exterminating the South. The Federal Government was rolling up a frightful debt, which Kentucky would not choose to help pay, etc., etc. Whereupon, he again urged the call of a Convention, with a view to State independence and self-protection. The Legislature had been chosen. in 1859, and had a Democratic majority in either House, but not a Disunion majority. It could not be induced to call a Convention, nor even to favor such neutrality as Magoffin proposed. Yet he presumed to issue May 20th. a Proclamation of Neutrality, denouncing the war as a horrid, unnatural, lamentable strife, forbidding either the Union or the Confederate Government to invade the soil of Kentucky, and interdicting all hostile demonstrations against either of the aforesaid sovereignties by citizens of that State, whether incorporated in t
XVIIth Congress convened, pursuant to the President's summons, in Extra Session, at noon on the 4th of July; when, on a call of the roll, an ample quorum of either House was found in attendance, including fill delegations from Kentucky, The Representatives from Kentucky had been chosen a few weeks before at a special election, wonal Government, and are now striving, by aggressive and iniquitous war, to overthrow it, and break up the Union of these States: Therefore, Resolved, That this House hereby pledges itself to vote for any amount of money and any number of men which may be necessary to insure a speedy and effectual suppression of such Rebellion, ission, and who shall meet and confer on the subject in the city of Louisville, on the first Monday of September next. And that) the Committee appointed from this House notify said Commissioners of their appointment and function, and report their action to the next session, as an amendment of the Constitution of the United States,