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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 20 0 Browse Search
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h within their borders, nor even to send deputies to Canada, but to leave to English mediation the recovery of their brethren from captivity. It was announced, that tribes of the Far West, dwelling on branches of Erie and the Ohio, inclined to friendship; and nearly at that very moment envoys from their villages were at Lancaster, solemnizing a treaty of commerce with chap II.} 1748. July. Pennsylvania. Narrative of George Croghan, Ms. Causes of the alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians. 56, 126. Returning peace was hailed as the happy moment for bringing the Miamis and their neighbors within the covenant chain of the English, and thus, as Europeans reasoned, extending British jurisdiction through Western New York to the Wabash. The lighted calumet had been passed from mouth to mouth; the graves of the tawny heroes, slain in war, had been so covered with expiating presents, that their vengeful spirits were appeased; the wampum belts of confirmed love had been exch
ula. Memoires, 8. On Sunday, the twenty-second, Lawrence, the English commander, having landed north of the Messagouche, had an interview with La Corne, who avowed his purpose, under instructions from La Jonquiere, to defend Cornwallis to Bedford, 1 May, 1750. at all hazards, and keep possession of every post as far as the river Messagouche, till the boundaries between the two countries should be settled by commissaries. La Come held a strong position, and had under his command Indians, Canadians, regular troops, and Acadian refugees, to the number, it was thought, of twenty-five hundred. The English officer was, therefore, compelled for his safety to embark, on the very day on which he landed, Cornwallis to the Lords of Trade, 30 Sept. 1750. leaving the French in un- chap. III.} 1750. disturbed possession of the isthmus. A swift vessel was dispatched expressly from Halifax to inform the government, that La Corne and La Loutre held possession of the isthmus, that
in a night as dark as can be conceived, with but forty men, marching in single file along a most narrow trace, Washington made his way to the camp of the Half-King. After council, it was agreed to go hand in hand, and strike the invaders. Two Indians, following the trail of the French, discovered their lodgment, away from the path, concealed among rocks. With the Mingo chiefs Washington made arrangements to come upon them by surprise. Perceiving the English approach, they ran to seize thei had done nothing to make it tenable. The little intrenchment was in a glade between two eminences covered with trees, except within sixty yards chap. V.} 1754. of it. On the third day of July, about noon, six hundred French, with one hundred Indians, came Journal of De Villiers in New York Paris Documents. Varin to Bigot, 24 July, 1754. Correspondence of H. Sharpe. in eight, and took possession of one of the eminences, where every soldier found a large tree for his shelter, and could f
to gather in the harvest. Breard to the Minister, 13 August, 1755. Early in August, the New England men, having Phinehas Lyman for their major-general, were finishing Fort Edward, at the portage between the Hudson chap. IX.} 1755. and the headsprings of the Sorel. The forests were never free from secret danger; American scalps were sought for by the wakeful savage, to be strung together for the adornment of the wigwam. Towards the end of August, the untrained forces, which, with Indians, amounted to thirty-four hundred men, were conducted by William Johnson across the portage of twelve miles, to the southern shore of the Lake, which the French called the Lake of the Holy Sacrament I found, said Johnson, a mere wilderness; never was house or fort erected here before; Johnson to Lords of Trade, 8 Sept. 1755. and naming the waters Lake George, he cleared space for a camp of five thousand men. The lake protects him on the north; his flanks are covered by a thick wood and a
d of restless mobility. He was accompanied by the Chevalier de Levis Leran, and by Bourlamarque, colonel of infantry. Travelling day and night, he hurried to Fort Carillon, at Ticonderoga; by two long marches on foot, he made himself familiar with the ground, and took measures for improving its defences. Montcalm to the minister, 20 July, 1756. He next resolved by secrecy and celerity to take Oswego. Collecting at Montreal three regiments from Quebec, and a large body of Canadians and Indians, on the fifth of August he was able to review his troops at Frontenac, and on the evening of the same day anchored in Sackett's Harbor. Fort Oswego, on the right of the river, was a large stone building surrounded by a wall flanked with four small bastions, and was commanded from adjacent heights. For its defence, Shirley had crowned a summit on the opposite bank with Fort Ontario. Against this outpost, Montcalm, on the twelfth of chap. X.} 1756. August, at midnight, opened his trenc
urn the barracks of the English, to chase their cattle and horses, to scalp their stragglers. During the day they occupied, with Canadians under La Corne, the road leading to the Hudson, and cut off the communication. At the north was the encampment of De Levi, with regulars and Canadians; while Montcalm, with the main body of the army, occupied the skirt of the wood, on the west side of the lake. His whole force consisted of six thousand French and Canadians, and about seventeen hundred Indians. Fort William Henry was defended by Lieutenant-Colonel Monro, Captain Christie to Governor Pownall, 10 August, 1757. of the thirty-fifth regiment, a brave officer and a man of strict honor, with less than five hundred men, while seventeen hundred men lay intrenched near his side, on the eminence to the southeast, now marked by the ruins of Fort George. Meantime, the braves of the Nepisings, faithful to the rites of their fathers, celebrated the funereal honors of their departed broth
ar head and a firm will, or as he himself expressed it, was actuated by the spirits of William Pitt; and he decided to keep up the direct connection with Phila- chap XIII.} 1758. delphia as essential to present success and future security. While Washington, with most of the Virginians, joined the main army, Bouquet was sent forward with two thousand men to Loyal Hanna. There he received intelligence that the French post was defended by but eight hundred men, of whom three hundred were Indians. Dazzled by vague hopes of glory, Bouquet, without the knowledge of his superior officer, entrusted to Major Grant, of Montgomery's battalion, a party of eight hundred, chiefly Highlanders and Virginians, of Washington's command, with orders to reconnoitre the enemy's position. The men, who were all accustomed to the mountains, and of whom the Virginians were clad in the light Indian garb, easily scaled the successive ridges, and took post on a hill near Fort Duquesne. Not knowing that A
tate exercise of the prerogative, had, against the wish of the province, called out the militia, and invited the governors of Georgia, North Carolina, and Virginia, the warriors of the Catawbas, Chickasaws, Creeks, Tuscaroras, and other friendly Indians, to join his expedition; and therefore, in spite of the opposition of four of his council, Speaker of S. O. House of Assembly, to Mr. Wright, their Agent, Charleston, 10 November 1759, he went on. I am now going with a great many of my warrio219. I have ever been the firm friend of the English, answered the chief; I will ever continue so; but for giving up the men, we have no authority one over another. Yet after the governor had exchanged Oconostata and one or two more for other Indians, he sent again to Attakulla-kulla, and on the twenty-sixth of December got the signature of six Cherokees to a treaty of peace, which seemed to sanction the governor's retaining the imprisoned envoys as hostages, till four andtwenty men should b