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William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 1,765 1 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 1,301 9 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 947 3 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 914 0 Browse Search
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House 776 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 495 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 485 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 456 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 410 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 405 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Abraham Lincoln or search for Abraham Lincoln in all documents.

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I firmly believe that a division of this Government would inevitably produce civil war. The secession leaders in South Carolina, and the fanatical demagogues of the North, have alike proclaimed that such would be the result, and no man of sense, in my opinion, can question it. What could the Legislature do in this crisis, if convened, to remove the present troubles which beset the Union? We are told by the leading spirits of the South Carolina Convention that neither the election of Mr. Lincoln nor the non-execution of the Fugitive Slave law, nor both combined, constitute their grievances. They declare that the real cause of their discontent dates as far back as 1883. Maryland and every other State in the Union, with a united voice, then declared the cause insufficient to justify the course of South Carolina. Can it be that this people, who then unanimously supported the cause of Gen. Jackson, will now yield their opinions at the bidding of modern secessionists? I have been t
Doc. 19.--the Alabama Ordinance of secession. An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of Alabama and other States, United under the compact and style of the United States of America. Whereas, The election of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin to the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States of America, by a sectional party, avowedly hostile to the domestic institutions, and peace and security of the people of the State of Alabama, following upon the heels of many and dangerous infractions of the Constitution of the United States, by many of the States and people of the Northern section, is a political wrong of so insulting and menacing a character, as to justify the people of the State of Alabama in the adoption of prompt and decided measures for their future peace and security. Therefore, be it declared and ordained, by the people of the State of Alabama, in convention assembled, that the State of Alabama now withdraws from the Union, know
nt to make terms and to come back into the Union after having extorted new concessions as the price of reconciliation. The wish may be father to the thought, but that such is the thought is to be learnt from the most cursory glance at the American newspapers. The course of proceeding is to be as follows: South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, Texas, perhaps Louisiana, are to separate, form a federation of their own, and then treat on equal terms with those who remain faithful to Mr. Lincoln. The Northern Slave States, with Virginia and North Carolina at their head, are to act as mediators, and enforce concessions by the threat of joining the Southern league, which would then number fifteen Slave States, with a vast territory, and the prospect of conquering all the riches of Mexico. The President, it is whispered, is in favor of compromise; Gov. Seward is in favor of compromise; in short, now that the loss of Southern wealth threatens them, greatnumbers of the stanchest Ant
hereof was read, the Secretary of the Senate making a note thereof. The electoral votes of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, and New York were similarly disposed of. Senator Douglas suggested, and no objection was made, that the formal part of the certificates, and the names of the electors, be omitted from the reading. The reading of the vote of South Carolina was productive of good-humored excitement. The reading of all the electoral votes having been completed, the tellers reported the result: Whereupon the Vice President, rising, said: Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, having received a majority of the whole number of electoral votes, is duly elected President of the United States for the four years commencing on the 4th of March, 1861: And that Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, having received a majority of the whole number of electoral votes, is duly elected Vice President of the United States for the same term.--Commercial Advertiser.
Times, dated Feb. 23, 8 A. M., says:-- Abraham Lincoln, the President-elect of the United States On Thursday night after he had retired, Mr. Lincoln was aroused and informed that a stranger deom which the information was obtained, that Mr. Lincoln, after counselling his friends, was compell with their plans. It was arranged in case Mr. Lincoln should pass safely over the railroad to Bal, in the seceding State of Alabama. Upon Mr. Lincoln's arrival in Philadelphia upon Thursday, thtaying during his visit in Philadelphia. Mr. Lincoln, having heard the officer's statement, info It is proper to state here that, prior to Mr. Lincoln's arrival in Philadelphia, Gen. Scott and Sw with the detective. He was informed that Mr. Lincoln would arrive by the early train on Saturday-elect until he was installed in office. Mr. Lincoln's family left Harrisburg for Baltimore, on be banded together for the assassination of Mr. Lincoln was twenty; but the number of those who wer[30 more...]
Doc. 42.--Inaugural of Abraham Lincoln. Fellow-citizens of the United States: In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and to take, in your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President, before he enters on the execution of his office. I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the southern States, that, by the accession of a Republican Administration, their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one o
address. How it is received. The Baltimore papers discuss the tone of Mr. Lincoln's Inaugural Address. The American regards the address with favor. The tone of the speech is pacific ; that is to say, Mr. Lincoln avows his determination to preserve peace, so far as it may be done, in the performance of his duty as henion, and the death of hope. The Baltimore Exchange says, the measures of Mr. Lincoln mean war. The Baltimore Patriot believes, with the American, that Mr. LinMr. Lincoln means to avoid aggression, and adds: The reasoning and expositions of the Inaugural, in the virtues of patience, forbearance, &c., apply as well to Mr. LiMr. Lincoln as to the people of the several States, and as he expects the people to exercise those virtues, so must he allow tihe people to expect that he will apply the ce tribunal of the American people. We make this observation in reference to Mr. Lincoln as an enlightened and conscientious statesman, and not as an educated and co
els of trade. These inconveniences, it is to be hoped, will be but temporary, and must be borne with patience and forbearance. As to whether we shall have war with our late confederates, or whether all matters of difference between us shall be amicably settled, I can only say, that the prospect for a peaceful adjustment is better, so far as I am informed, than it has been. The prospect of war, is at least not so threatening as it had been. The idea of coercion shadowed forth in President Lincoln's inaugural, seems not to be followed up thus far so vigorously as was expected. Fort Sumter, it is believed, will soon be evacuated. What course will be pursued towards Fort Pickens, and the other forts on the Gulf, is not so well understood. It is to be greatly desired that all of them should be surrendered. Our object is Peace, not only with the North, but with the world. All matters relating to the public property, public liabilities of the Union when we were members of it, we
sistent with a just exposition of the facts of the case. The intervening twenty-three days were employed in active unofficial efforts, the object of which was to smooth the path to a pacific solution, the distinguished personage alluded to cooperating with the undersigned; and every step of that effort is recorded in writing, and now in possession of the undersigned and of their Government. It was only when all these anxious efforts for peace had been exhausted, and it became clear that Mr. Lincoln had determined to appeal to the sword to reduce the people of the Confederate States to the will of the section or party whose President he is, that the undersigned resumed the official negotiation temporarily suspended, and sent their Secretary for a reply to their official note of March 12. It is proper to add that, during these twenty-three days, two gentlemen of official distinction as high as that of the personage hitherto alluded to aided the undersigned as intermediaries in thes
following is the correspondence immediately preceding the hostilities: Charleston, April 8. L. P. Walker, Secretary of War: An authorized messenger from President Lincoln, just informed Gov. Pickens and myself that provisions will be sent to Fort Sumter peaceably, or otherwise by force. G. T. Beauregard. Montgomery, April 10 at least prevented their co-operation, the result is not surprising.--New York Tribune. At all events, the reduction of Fort Sumter and this manifesto of President Lincoln are equivalent to a declaration of war on both sides, between the Confederate and the United States. In a conflict of this sort, there can be but two partielly now to argue what might, could, would, or should, have been done by Southern fire-eaters and Northern disorganizers in 1854, 1860, or by Mr. Buchanan, or by Mr. Lincoln, or by the late session of Congress. Civil war is upon us, and the questions which now supersede all others are: What are the consequences now before us? Wher
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