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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 8 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 6 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 6 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 4 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 4 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 4 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 4 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 4 0 Browse Search
H. Wager Halleck , A. M. , Lieut. of Engineers, U. S. Army ., Elements of Military Art and Science; or, Course of Instruction in Strategy, Fortification, Tactis of Battles &c., Embracing the Duties of Staff, Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery and Engineers. Adapted to the Use of Volunteers and Militia. 3 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 2 0 Browse Search
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Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 24: the called session of Congress.--foreign relations.--benevolent organizations.--the opposing armies. (search)
pathy with men rebelling against a humane Government for the avowed purpose of perpetuating those wrongs. They were loth to believe that these professions of philanthropy were not sincere. They were unwilling to believe that the assertion of Montesquieu, made more than a hundred years before, that England, unlike all other countries, allowed commerce to regulate its politics, Speaking of the spirit of the English people with respect to commerce, Montesquieu said.:--Supremely jealous with rMontesquieu said.:--Supremely jealous with respect to trade, they bind themselves but little by treaties, and depend only on their own laws. Other nations have made the interests of commerce yield to those of politics;. the English, on the contrary,, have ever made their political interests give way to those of commerce. --Spirit of the Laws, fifth English edition, II. 8. was still so true, that its government and people would be willing to sacrifice a great principle, and falsify the most solemn and abounding professions of Christian b
Baron de Jomini, Summary of the Art of War, or a New Analytical Compend of the Principle Combinations of Strategy, of Grand Tactics and of Military Policy. (ed. Major O. F. Winship , Assistant Adjutant General , U. S. A., Lieut. E. E. McLean , 1st Infantry, U. S. A.), Chapter 3: strategy. (search)
ive in Champagne, from the battle of Brienne to that of Paris, proved to a demonstration all that I could have said in favor of central masses. However, the experience of those two celebrated campaigns has given birth to a strategical problem, which it would be difficult to resolve by simple assertions founded on theories; it is to know whether the system of central masses loses of its advantages when the masses which it is the question to put in action are very large. Persuaded, like Montesquieu, that the greatest enterprises perish through the magnitude even of the preparations that are made to assure their success, I should be much inclined to pronounce for the affirmative. It appears to me incontestable that a mass of a hundred thousand men, occupying a central zone against three isolated armies of thirty to thirty-five thousand men each, would be more sure of overwhelming them separately, than it were possible for a mass of four hundred thousand combattants against three arm
H. Wager Halleck , A. M. , Lieut. of Engineers, U. S. Army ., Elements of Military Art and Science; or, Course of Instruction in Strategy, Fortification, Tactis of Battles &c., Embracing the Duties of Staff, Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery and Engineers. Adapted to the Use of Volunteers and Militia., Chapter 6: military Polity—The means of national defence best suited to the character and condition of a country, with a brief account of those adopted by the several European powers. (search)
eir more powerful neighbors. During the Seven Years War, Frederick supported an army equal to one-twentieth of the entire Prussian population, and at the close of this memorable contest one-sixth of the males capable of bearing arms had actually perished on the field of battle. But the number of troops that may be brought into the field in times of great emergency is, of course, much greater than can be supported during a long war, or as a, part of a permanent military establishment. Montesquieu estimates that modern nations are capable of supporting, without endangering their power, a permanent military force of about one-hundredth part of their population. This ratio differs but little from that of the present mill. tary establishments of the great European powers. Great Britain, with a population of about twenty-five millions, and a general budget of $250,000,000, supports a military and naval force of about 150,000 effective and 100,000 non-effective men, 250,000 in all,
H. Wager Halleck , A. M. , Lieut. of Engineers, U. S. Army ., Elements of Military Art and Science; or, Course of Instruction in Strategy, Fortification, Tactis of Battles &c., Embracing the Duties of Staff, Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery and Engineers. Adapted to the Use of Volunteers and Militia., chapter 11 (search)
ldier; but this would be worse than useless against firearms, and moreover would destroy the efficiency of these troops by impeding their movements. The strength of this arm depends greatly upon its discipline; for if calm and firm, a mass of infantry in column or in square is almost impenetrable. The bayonet was introduced by Vauban in the wars of Louis XIV., and after the years 1703 and 1704, the pike was totally suppressed in the French army. This measure was warmly opposed by Marshal Montesquieu, and the question was discussed by him and Marshal Vauban with an ability and learning worthy of these great men. The arguments of Vauban were deemed most conclusive, and his project was adopted by the king. This question has been agitated by military writers in more recent times, Puysegur advocating the musket, and Folard and Lloyd contending in favor of restoring the pike. Even in our own service, so late as the war of 1812, a distinguished general of the army strongly urged the
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 10: (search)
hold office for life (or during good behavior), with a veto power in Congress on the action of the state legislature, became, through the Federalist, in conjunction with his associates, Madison and Jay, the most distinguished expounder and advocate of the Constitution, as then proposed and afterward ratified, with all its federal and state-rights features. In the ninth number of that remarkable series of political essays, he quotes, adopts, and applies to the then proposed Constitution, Montesquieu's description of a confederate republic, a term he (Hamilton) repeatedly employs. In the eighty-first number of the same series, replying to apprehensions expressed by some that a state might be brought before the federal courts to answer as defendant in suits instituted against her, he repels the idea in these plain and conclusive terms. The italics are my own: It is inherent in the nature of sovereignty not to be amenable to the suit of any individual without its consent. This
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Corwin, Thomas 1794-1865 (search)
resident, while we are fighting for room, let us ponder deeply this appendix. I was somewhat amazed, the other day, to hear the Senator from Michigan declare that Europe had quite forgotten us till these battles waked them up. I suppose the Senator feels grateful to the President for waking up Europe. Does the President, who is, I hope, read in civic as well as military lore, remember the saying of one who had pondered upon history long—long, too, upon man, his nature and true destiny? Montesquieu did not think highly of this way of waking up. Happy, says he, is the nation whose annals are tiresome. The Senator from Michigan has a different view of this. He thinks that a nation is not distinguished until it is distinguished in war; he fears that the slumbering faculties of Europe have not been able to ascertain that there are 20,000,000 Anglo-Saxons here, making railroads and canals, and speeding all the arts of peace to the utmost accomplishment of the most refined civilizati
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 26 (search)
me has probably gained possession of all the Federal property within its borders, and established a post-office and customhouse of its own. The instruments which the Carolinians drew up on this occasion are singular and almost amusing. The philosophy and phraseology of the Declaration of Independence of 1776 are imitated. Whole paragraphs are copied from that famous document. The thoughts and style of Jefferson were evidently influenced by the great writers of his age, and we may trace Montesquieu and Rousseau in every line of his composition. It is rather interesting to see his language, which denounced King George's violation of the social compact, used by a conclave of frantic negro-drivers to stigmatize the conduct of those who will not allow a Southern gentleman to bring his body servant into their territory. South Carolina, however, has shown wisdom in thus taking high ground. People are generally taken at the value which they set on themselves, and Carolina does right to
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Seventh: return to the Senate. (search)
e land. Through its influence, population, values of all kinds, manufactures, commerce, railroads, canals, charities, the post-office, colleges, professional schools, academies, public schools, newspapers, periodicals, books, authorship, inventions, are all stunted, and, under a Government which professes to be founded on the intelligence of the people, one in five of native white adults in the region of Slavery is officially reported as unable to read and write. Never was the saying of Montesquieu more triumphantly verified, that countries are not cultivated by reason of their fertility, but by reason of their liberty. To this truth the Slave States testify perpetually by every possible voice. Liberty is the powerful agent which drives the plough, the spindle, and the keel,—opens avenues of all kinds,—inspires charity,—awakens love of knowledge, and supplies the means of gratifying it. Liberty is the first of schoolmasters: nay, more; it is the Baconian philosophy of Civilization<
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Xxv. (search)
e land. Through its influence, population, values of all kinds, manufactures, commerce, railroads, canals, charities, the post-office, colleges, professional schools, academies, public schools, newspapers, periodicals, books, authorship, inventions, are all stunted, and, under a Government which professes to be founded on the intelligence of the people, one in five of native white adults in the region of Slavery is officially reported as unable to read and write. Never was the saying of Montesquieu more triumphantly verified, that countries are not cultivated by reason of their fertility, but by reason of their liberty. To this truth the Slave States testify perpetually by every possible voice. Liberty is the powerful agent which drives the plough, the spindle, and the keel,—opens avenues of all kinds,—inspires charity,—awakens love of knowledge, and supplies the means of gratifying it. Liberty is the first of schoolmasters: nay, more; it is the Baconian philosophy of Civilization<
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.), Chapter 7: colonial newspapers and magazines, 1704-1775 (search)
Even during the French and Indian war, booksellers advertised French texts, grammars, and dictionaries in the papers, while courses in French were often announced. Before the close of the war, we find The Boston gazette printing extracts from Montesquieu's Spirit of laws, with an apology and the expressed hope that it may not be political Heresey to suppose that a Frenchman may have juster Notions of Civil Liberty than some among ourselves. This was in the days when Gallic perfidy was the popular note. After 1760 all the important works of Rousseau, Montesquieu, and the Encyclopedists as well as many other French books were advertised for sale in the colonial press. Such advertisements indicate the taste of the reading public more accurately than do catalogues of private libraries, which represent individual preferences. Voltaire had long been known in the colonies. Rousseau's Social Contract was advertised as a Treatise on the social compact, or the principles of political l
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