Doc.
25.--the disunion movement.
Never for many years can the United States be to the world what they have been.
Mr. Buchanan's message has been a greater blow to the
American people than all the rants of the
Georgian Governor or the “ordinances” of the Charleston Convention.
The President has dissipated the idea that the States which elected him constitute one people.
We had thought that the Federation was of the nature of a nationality; we find it is nothing more than a partnership.
If any State may, on grounds satisfactory to a local convention, dissolve the union between itself and its fellows; if discontent with the election of a President, or the passing of an obnoxious law by another State, or, it may be, a restrictive tariff, gives a State the “right of revolution,” and permits it to withdraw itself from the community,
then the position of the American people with respect to foreign Powers is completely altered. It is strange that a race whose patriotic captiousness when in the society of Europeans is so remarkable, should be so ready to divide and to give up the ties of fellow-citizenship for a cause which strangers are unable to appreciate.
Still stranger is it that a chief magistrate, who would have plunged the world in war rather than a suspicious craft should be boarded by English officers after it had displayed the Stars and Stripes, or would have done battle against despots for any naturalized refugee from Continental
Europe, should, without scruple, and against the advice of his own
Secretary of State, declare the Federal Union dissolved whenever a refractory State chooses to secede.
It may well be imagined that the
American people have been taken by surprise, both by the suddenness and violence of the outcry for secession, and by the ready concessions of the
President.
From the day the message appeared it was evident that
South Carolina no longer formed part of the
Union.
The State had, by every organ which it possessed — by its
Senators, its Representatives, by the voice of the Press, of the great slaveowners, and of the multitude — declared its resolution to secede.
Only courage like that of
General Jackson could have quelled the “Gamecock State,” as we perceive some of its admirers call it. But there was a middle path between civil war and such an instant recognition as
Mr. Buchanan thought advisable.
As one charged with the duty of upholding the
Federal power, he might have easily used the authority vested in him to delay the movement, and give the
Union and
South Carolina itself time for reflection.
Mr. Cass would, probably, deprecate holding a State by force, but he still declined to remain in the cabinet of the statesman who would not reinforce
Fort Moultrie, and assert, during the short remainder of his term of office, the supremacy of the constitution.
But as things went the action of
South Carolina was predetermined.
On the 20th of December that State seceded from the
Union by an unanimous vote, and by this time has probably gained possession of all the
Federal property within its borders, and established a post-office and customhouse of its own. The instruments which the Carolinians drew up on this occasion are singular and almost amusing.
The philosophy and phraseology of the
Declaration of Independence of 1776 are imitated.
Whole paragraphs are copied from that famous document.
The thoughts and style of
Jefferson were evidently influenced by the great writers of his age, and we may trace
Montesquieu and
Rousseau in every line of his composition.
It is rather interesting to see his language, which denounced King George's violation of the social compact, used by a conclave of frantic negro-drivers to stigmatize the conduct of those who will not allow a Southern gentleman to bring his “body servant” into their territory.
South Carolina, however, has shown wisdom in thus taking high ground.
People are generally taken at the value which they set on themselves, and
Carolina does right to play the part of outraged patience and indignant virtue.
She has declared, in the language of the Fathers of the
Republic, that the Federal Union no longer answers the ends of its foundation by insuring the happiness and prosperity of
South Carolina, and that the conduct of several States having been a violation of the compact made by all,
South Carolina resumes her rights as a sovereign community, and will make war or peace, conclude treaties, or establish commerce, independently of the
Government at
Washington.
This bold course has its natural effect on the exciteable slaveowners.
The secession of
South Carolina has been received everywhere with enthusiasm.
It may, perhaps, be said that the other States have feigned an approbation which they do not feel, in order to bring the
North to terms by the menace of a Southern Republic.
But, whether from feeling or policy, the secession cry was just at its loudest at the close of the year.
It was looked upon as certain that six or seven States would separate from the
Union in the first days of 1861.
Georgia leads the van. The ordinance of secession was looked upon as already passed.
The North Carolina Legislature
[
26]
had read a second time the bill for arming the
State.
Alabama had voted, by a large majority, in favor of secession.
In
Virginia, the oldest, the most conservative, and the most cautious of the
Slave States, we are told that the secession feeling was gaining ground.
State conventions are to meet in
Florida on the 3d of January, in
Alabama on the 7th, in
Texas on the 8th, in
Georgia on the 9th, and in
Louisiana on the 23d; and our correspondent believes that “there will be a majority in each of them in favor of immediate and separate secession.”
Hence in a few days more the
United States of America, as the world has hitherto known them, will cease to exist.
But now comes the most singular part of this history.
Till within a few weeks hardly any body in this country believed in the dissolution of the
Union.
People thought that instincts of patriotism and private interest would prevail, and that the
Yankees and the Southerners would quarrel harmoniously for many years to come.
The event seems to be against these anticipations, and Englishmen are content to look on in silence and wonder.
Not so the
Americans.
While every mail is bringing news of fiery speeches and the planting of palmetto trees, the almost universal tone of private letters is that there is nothing in it at all.
South Carolina cannot secede, or if she does she must come back again.
The other States only want to make terms and to come back into the
Union after having extorted new concessions as the price of reconciliation.
The wish may be father to the thought, but that such is the thought is to be learnt from the most cursory glance at the
American newspapers.
The course of proceeding is to be as follows:
South Carolina,
Alabama,
Mississippi,
Florida,
Texas, perhaps
Louisiana, are to separate, form a federation of their own, and then treat on equal terms with those who remain faithful to
Mr. Lincoln.
The Northern Slave States, with
Virginia and
North Carolina at their head, are to act as mediators, and enforce concessions by the threat of joining the
Southern league, which would then number fifteen Slave States, with a vast territory, and the prospect of conquering all the riches of
Mexico.
The President, it is whispered, is in favor of compromise;
Gov. Seward is in favor of compromise; in short, now that the loss of Southern wealth threatens them, greatnumbers of the stanchest Anti-Slavery men arc in favor of compromise.
What the terms of the compromise shall be of course remains in doubt.
The hope of the democratic party in the
North is that the slaveholders will not be too exacting, or insist on the repeal of the personal liberty acts, by which some of the
Abolitionist States have nullified the
Fugitive Slave act. Many of the Republicans are anxious to revive the
Missouri compromise, by which slavery will be prohibited in any part of the
United States territory north of 33° 30×. But as the abolition of this compromise and the assertion of the slaveowners' right to carry negrocs into any part of the territory is a recent and very great victory, it is hardly likely that the
South will concede this.
No one in this country can pretend to judge of the event; but this we may conclude from the tone of American discussion, that the
North will not be too rigid, and that the slaveowners will receive what all but the most rabid of them will consider satisfaction.
Gov. Seward, who first spoke of the “irrepressible conflict” which was impending, now prophesies peace and harmony at no distant day, while many of his most intimate friends have given their adhesion to the scheme of compromise brought forward by
Mr. Crittenden.
But whatever may be the final restilt, we may expect to hear shortly that other States have followed the example set by
South Carolina.--
London Times, Jan. 9.
