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John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2 18 0 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), History of Rome, books 1-10 (ed. Rev. Canon Roberts) 10 0 Browse Search
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P. Ovidius Naso, Metamorphoses (ed. Brookes More) 2 0 Browse Search
P. Vergilius Maro, Aeneid (ed. John Dryden) 2 0 Browse Search
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Strabo, Geography, Book 6, chapter 1 (search)
and called it Polieium; and the image even now can be seen closing its eyes. It is a bold thing, to be sure, to tell such a fable and to say that the image not only closed its eyes (just as they say the image in Troy turned away at the time Cassandra was violated) but can also be seen closing its eyes; and yet it is much bolder to represent as brought from Troy all those images which the historians say were brought from there; for not only in the territory of Siris, but also at Rome, at Lavinium, and at Luceria, Athene is called "Trojan Athena," as though brought from Troy. And further, the daring deed of the Trojan women is current in numerous places, and appears incredible, although it is possible. According to some, however, both Siris and the Sybaris which is on the TeuthrasThe "Teuthras" is otherwise unknown, except that there was a small river of that name, which cannot be identified, near Cumae (see Propertius 1. 11.11 and Silius Italicus 11.288). The river was probably n
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 1 (ed. Rev. Canon Roberts), chapter 1 (search)
ojans, that their leader was Aeneas, the son of Anchises and Venus, that their city had been burnt, and that the homeless exiles were now looking for a place to settle in and build a city, he was so struck with the noble bearing of the men and their leader, and their readiness to accept alike either peace or war, that he gave his right hand as a solemn pledge of friendship for the future. A formal treaty was made between the leaders and mutual greetings exchanged between the armies. Latinus received Aeneas as a guest in his house, and there, in the presence of his tutelary deities, completed the political alliance by a domestic one, and gave his daughter in marriage to Aeneas. This incident confirmed the Trojans in the hope that they had reached the term of their wanderings and won a permanent home. They built a town, which Aeneas called Lavinium after his wife. In a short time a boy was born of the new marriage, to whom his parents gave the name of Ascanius.
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 1 (ed. Rev. Canon Roberts), chapter 3 (search)
s still intact, and after its fall a sharer in his father's fortunes. This Ascanius, where-ever born, or of whatever mother-it is generally agreed in any case that he was the son of Aeneas-left to his mother (or his stepmother) the city of Lavinium, which was for those days a prosperous and wealthy city, with a superabundant population, and built a new city at the foot of the Alban hills, which from its position, stretching along the side of the hill, was called Alba Longa. An interval of thirty years elapsed between the foundation of Lavinium and the colonisation of Alba Longa. Such had been the growth of the Latin power, mainly through the defeat of the Etruscans, that neither at the death of Aeneas, nor during the regency of Lavinia, nor during the immature years of the reign of Ascanius, did either Mezentius and the Etruscans or any other of their neighbours venture to attack them. When terms of peace were being arranged, the river Albula, now called the Tib
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 1 (ed. Rev. Canon Roberts), chapter 23 (search)
The Albans reported this at home. Both sides made extraordinary preparations for a war, which closely resembled a civil war between parents and children, for both were of Trojan descent, since Lavinium was an offshoot of Troy, and Alba of Lavinium, and the Romans were sprung from the stock of the kings of Alba. The outcome of the war, however, made the conflict less deplorable, as there was no regular engagement, and though one of the two cities was destroyed, the two nations were bleLavinium, and the Romans were sprung from the stock of the kings of Alba. The outcome of the war, however, made the conflict less deplorable, as there was no regular engagement, and though one of the two cities was destroyed, the two nations were blended into one. The Albans were the first to move, and invaded the Roman territory with an immense army. They fixed their camp only five miles from the City and surrounded it with a moat; this was called for several centuries the Cluilian Dyke from the name of the Alban general, till through lapse of time the name and the thing itself disappeared. While they were encamped Cluilius, the Alban king, died, and the Albans made Mettius Fufetius dictator. The king's death made Tullus more sa
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 2 (ed. Rev. Canon Roberts), chapter 39 (search)
and Cn. Marcius, the Roman exile, on whom their hopes chiefly rested. He fully justified their expectations, so that it became quite evident that the strength of Rome lay in her generals rather than in her army. He first marched against Cerceii, expelled the Roman colony and handed it over to the Volscians as a free city. Then he took: Satricum, Longula, Polusca, and Corioli, towns which the Romans had recently acquired. Marching across country into the Latin road, he recovered Lavinium, and then, in succession, Corbio, Vetellia, Trebium Labici, and Pedum. Finally, he advanced from Pedum against the City. He entrenched his camp at the Cluilian Dykes, about five miles distant, and from there he ravaged the Roman territory. The raiding parties were accompanied by men whose business it was to see that the lands of the patricians were not touched; a measure due either to his rage being especially directed against the plebeians, or to his hope that dissensi
P. Ovidius Naso, Metamorphoses (ed. Brookes More), Book 15, line 680 (search)
and, gliding out with sinuous curves and all his mighty length, entered the temple of his parent, where it skirts that yellow shore. But, when the sea was calm again, the Epidaurian god departing from his father's shrine, where he a while had shared the sacred residence reared to a kindred deity, furrowed the sandy shore with weight of crackling scales, again he climbed into the lofty stern and near the rudder laid his head at rest. There he remained until the vessel passed by Castrum and Lavinium's sacred homes to where the Tiber flows into the sea there all the people of Rome came rushing out— mothers and fathers and even those who tend your sacred fire, O Trojan goddess Vesta— and joyous shouted welcome to the god. Wherever the swift ship steered through the tide, they built up many altars in a line, so that perfuming frankincense with smoke crackled along the banks on either hand, and victims made the keen knives hot with blood. The serpent-deity has entered Rome, the world's ne
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 150 (search)
. Heyne Excurs. 3 on this book, with Wagn.'s additions). Westphal and Bunbury, approved by Mr. Long, identify it with Rio Torto (see Dict. G. Numicius): others apparently make it the Rio di Turno, a smaller stream in the same neighbourhood, near Lavinium, Wagn. believes the fontis stagna Numici to be the Stagno di Levante, not far from the ancient channel of the Tiber, partly on the strength of vv. 241, 747, where the Tiber and Numicius are mentioned together, a conjunction which may be explainemici to be the Stagno di Levante, not far from the ancient channel of the Tiber, partly on the strength of vv. 241, 747, where the Tiber and Numicius are mentioned together, a conjunction which may be explained by the historical connexion, without supposing immediate local proximity. It was in the Numicius that Aeneas ultimately perished in his war with the Rutuli, and on it was his shrine or tomb (Livy 1. 2); which again is in favour of a stream near Lavinium as against one close to the Tiber.
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 157 (search)
For the custom of solemnly tracing out the site of cities comp. 5. 755 note. Humili, shallow. Tac. A. 1. 61 has humili fossa, and Pliny Ep. 8. 20. 5 humili radice. Comp. the double sense of altus. This first settlement, distinct from Lavinium, was part of the common version of the legend: see Lewis p. 332. According to Cato ap. Serv. and Livy 1. 1 it bore the name of Troia.
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 42 (search)
Iamque may either indicate a transition (see Wagn. Q. V. 24. 9) or may have its ordinary sense of just now or already, implying that what is prophesied will take place immediately. The incompleteness of v. 41 makes the precise sense here uncertain. The omen here promised by the Tiber as a confirmation of the vision had been promised already by Helenus 3. 388 foll., though with a different object: see on v. 46. Here the white sow is Alba; the thirty young ones are the thirty years that were to elapse between the building of Lavinium and Alba (v. 47); an explanation of the legend as old as Varro, R. R. 2. 4, L. L. 5. § 144. For the various forms of the legend see Lewis vol. 1. pp. 334, 354, 5. The symbolizing of the thirty years by the thirty pigs is like the symbolizing of the nine years of unsuccessful siege by the sparrow and her eight young ones in Il. 2. 326 foll. For ne Rom. has nec. The lines 43—45 are repeated from 3. 390— 392, where see no
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 46 (search)
his cursives, as well as in Rom. Internal evidence seems in favour of omitting it, as being really embarrassing to the context, not, as Heyne and Wagn. think, indispensable to it. It is one thing to interpret the omen as showing the place where Lavinium is to be built, another to explain the white sow of Alba, the thirty pigs of the thirty years. Helenus confines himself to the first: the Tiber, according to the common text, passes from one to the other so as rather to confuse the two. It seemson waking, either in his address to the river or when he sees the sow. The line then should at least be bracketed, if not struck from the text. It is a further objection to the genuineness of this line that hic must be taken with great latitude, Lavinium being twelve Roman miles from the Tiber: and this, which would be nothing where the country was the thing indicated, as in the prophecy of Helenus, seems harsh when Aeneas has found the country, and the thing to be indicated is the particular si
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