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John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2 | 18 | 0 | Browse | Search |
Titus Livius (Livy), History of Rome, books 1-10 (ed. Rev. Canon Roberts) | 10 | 0 | Browse | Search |
Strabo, Geography | 2 | 0 | Browse | Search |
Titus Livius (Livy), History of Rome, books 1-10 (ed. Rev. Canon Roberts) | 2 | 0 | Browse | Search |
P. Ovidius Naso, Metamorphoses (ed. Brookes More) | 2 | 0 | Browse | Search |
P. Vergilius Maro, Aeneid (ed. John Dryden) | 2 | 0 | Browse | Search |
P. Vergilius Maro, Aeneid (ed. Theodore C. Williams) | 2 | 0 | Browse | Search |
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Your search returned 38 results in 14 document sections:
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 1 (ed. Rev. Canon Roberts), chapter 1 (search)
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 1 (ed. Rev. Canon Roberts), chapter 3 (search)
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 1 (ed. Rev. Canon Roberts), chapter 23 (search)
The Albans reported this at home. Both sides made extraordinary preparations for a war, which closely resembled a civil war between parents and children, for both were of Trojan descent, since Lavinium was an offshoot of Troy, and Alba of Lavinium, and the Romans were sprung from the stock of the kings of Alba.
The outcome of the war, however, made the conflict less deplorable, as there was no regular engagement, and though one of the two cities was destroyed, the two nations were bleLavinium, and the Romans were sprung from the stock of the kings of Alba.
The outcome of the war, however, made the conflict less deplorable, as there was no regular engagement, and though one of the two cities was destroyed, the two nations were blended into one.
The Albans were the first to move, and invaded the Roman territory with an immense army. They fixed their camp only five miles from the City and surrounded it with a moat; this was called for several centuries the Cluilian Dyke from the name of the Alban general, till through lapse of time the name and the thing itself disappeared. While they were encamped Cluilius, the Alban king, died, and the Albans made Mettius Fufetius dictator.
The king's death made Tullus more sa
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 2 (ed. Rev. Canon Roberts), chapter 39 (search)
P. Ovidius Naso, Metamorphoses (ed. Brookes More), Book 15, line 680 (search)
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 150 (search)
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 157 (search)
For the custom of solemnly tracing
out the site of cities comp. 5. 755 note.
Humili, shallow. Tac. A. 1. 61 has
humili fossa, and Pliny Ep. 8. 20. 5 humili
radice. Comp. the double sense of
altus. This first settlement, distinct
from Lavinium, was part of the common
version of the legend: see Lewis p. 332.
According to Cato ap. Serv. and Livy 1. 1
it bore the name of Troia.
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 42 (search)
Iamque may either indicate a
transition (see Wagn. Q. V. 24. 9) or may
have its ordinary sense of just now or
already, implying that what is prophesied
will take place immediately. The
incompleteness of v. 41 makes the precise
sense here uncertain. The omen here
promised by the Tiber as a confirmation
of the vision had been promised already
by Helenus 3. 388 foll., though with a
different object: see on v. 46. Here
the white sow is Alba; the thirty young
ones are the thirty years that were
to elapse between the building of Lavinium
and Alba (v. 47); an explanation of
the legend as old as Varro, R. R. 2. 4, L.
L. 5. § 144. For the various forms of the
legend see Lewis vol. 1. pp. 334, 354, 5. The
symbolizing of the thirty years by the
thirty pigs is like the symbolizing of the
nine years of unsuccessful siege by the
sparrow and her eight young ones in Il. 2.
326 foll. For ne Rom. has nec. The
lines 43—45 are repeated from 3. 390—
392, where see no
John Conington, Commentary on Vergil's Aeneid, Volume 2, P. VERGILI MARONIS, line 46 (search)