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Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2., Chapter 6: the Army of the Potomac.--the Trent affair.--capture of Roanoke Island. (search)
ey well understood that if the American insurgents,. whose fathers helped to form the Republic which they were trying to destroy, and who had perfect equality in public affairs with the whole nation, could be justified in rebelling against it, the Irish people--a conquered nation, and made a part of Great Britain against their will — had the fullest warrant for rebelling against their English conquerors at any and at all times. Among these men we find the names of John Stuart Mill, Professors Goldwin Smith and J. E. Cairnes, Rev. Baptist Noel, Henry Vincent, Layard, the eminent Eastern traveler, the eloquent young O'Donoughue, The O'Donoughue, as he was called, was of one of the most ancient families in Ireland. He was less. than thirty years of age at that time, of great beauty in form and feature, polished in manners, eloquent in speech, of proven courage, and a man of the people in his instincts. In the great Rotunda in Dublin, this man boldly declared to an audience of 5,000
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3., Chapter 2: Lee's invasion of Maryland and Pennsylvania. (search)
large supplies of clothing, arms, and munitions of war, and so prolonged the bloody strife. Collectively, these men were, in one sense, the British Government, for they represented the ruling classes, and, as such, were professedly neutral; as individuals, acting as members of a private association, they were the British Government, making deadly war on the United States. Every right-minded Englishman condemned their iniquity, and none more keenly and effectively than the eminent Professor Goldwin Smith, in a Letter to a Whig member of the Southern Independence Association, in which he said at the beginning: Your association wishes this country to lend assistance to the slave-holders of the Southern States, in their attempt to effect a disruption of the American commonwealth, and to establish an independent power, having, as they declare, slavery for its corner-stone. I am one of those who are convinced that, in doing so, she would commit a great folly and a still greater crime, t
Matthew Arnold, Civilization in the United States: First and Last Impressions of America., II: a word about America. (search)
th in England and in America, the middle class is abundantly capable of maintaining the national credit, and does maintain it. It is abundantly capable of recognizing the duty of sending to school the children of the people; nay, of sending them also, if possible, to a Sunday school, and to chapel or church. True; and yet, in England at any rate, the middle class, with all its industry and with all its religiousness,--the middle class well typified, as I long ago pointed out, by a certain Mr. Smith, a secretary to an insurance company, who labored under the apprehension that he would come to poverty and that he was eternally lost, --the English middle class presents us at this day, for our actual needs, and for the purposes of national civilization, with a defective type of religion, a narrow range of intellect and knowledge, a stunted sense of beauty, a low standard of manners. For the building up of human life, as men are now beginning to see, there are needed not only the powers
Matthew Arnold, Civilization in the United States: First and Last Impressions of America., III: a word more about America. (search)
ain have seen in Parliament during the last ten years, and beheld established in influence there at this juncture,--Mr. Goldwin Smith. I do not say that he was not too embittered against the Church; in my opinion he was. But with singular lucidity t itself is journalism. I do not conceive of Mr. John Morley as made for filling that position in Parliament which Mr. Goldwin Smith would, I think, have filled. If he controls, as Protesilaos in the poem advises, hysterical passion (the besettingerful in Parliament; he will rise, he will come into office; but he will not do for us in Parliament, I think, what Mr. Goldwin Smith would have done. He is too much of a partisan. In journalism, on the other hand, he was as unique a figure as Mr.Mr. Goldwin Smith would, I imagine, have been in Parliament. As a journalist, Mr. John Morley showed a mind which seized and understood the signs of the times; he had all the ideas of a man of the best insight, and alone, perhaps, among men of his ins
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Declaration of Independence in the light of modern criticism, the. (search)
ic, seems here to labor under the disadvantage of having transferred to the document which he undertakes to judge much of the extreme dislike which he has for the man who wrote it, whom, indeed, he regards as a sophist, as a demagogue, as quite capable of inveracity in speech, and as bearing some resemblance to Robespierre in his feline nature, his malignant egotism, and his intense suspiciousness, as well as in his bloody-minded, yet possibly sincere, philanthropy. In the opinion of Prof. Goldwin Smith, our great national manifesto is written in a highly rhetorical strain ; it opens with sweeping aphorisms about the natural rights of man, at which political science now smiles, and which . . . might seem strange when framed for slave-holding communities by a publicist who himself held slaves ; while, in its specifications of fact, it is not more scrupulously truthful than are the general utterances of the statesman who was its scribe. Its charges that the several offensive acts of
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), entry 1598 (search)
uring the past few years so suddenly grown to large proportions among publicists abroad is almost all of it directed to the restraints we have effected upon the action of government. Sir Henry Maine thought our federal Constitution an admirable reservoir, in which the mighty waters of democracy are held at rest, kept back from free destructive course. Lord Rosebery has wondering praise for the security of our Senate against usurpation of its functions by the House of Representatives. Mr. Goldwin Smith supposes the saving act of organization for a democracy to be the drafting and adoption of a written constitution. Thus it is always the static, never the dynamic, forces of our government which are praised. The greater part of our foreign admirers find our success to consist in the achievement of stable safeguards against hasty or retrogressive action; we are asked to believe that we have succeeded because we have taken Sir Archibald Alison's advice, and have resisted the infection
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Free thought. (search)
Free thought. On the general subject of the growth of Free Thought with special reference to the United States, we present a condensation of Professor Goldwin Smith's views. The history of religion during the past century may be described as the sequel of that dissolution of the mediaeval faith which commenced at the Reformation. At the Reformation Protestantism threw off the yoke of pope and priest, priestly control over conscience through the confessional, priestly absolution for sin, and belief in the magical power of the priest as consecrator of the Host, besides the worship of the Virgin and the saints, purgatory, relics, pilgrimages, and other incidents of the medieval system. Though Protestantism produced a multitude of sects, especially in England at the time of the Commonwealth, hardly any of them were free-thinking or sceptical; those of any importance, at all events, were in some sense dogmatic, and were anchored to the inspiration of the Bible. Under th
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Smith, Goldwin 1823- (search)
Smith, Goldwin 1823- Author; born in Reading, England, Aug. 23, 1823; graduated at Oxford University in 1845; was Professor of Modern History at Oxford in 1858-66. During the Civil War in the United States he was a stanch champion of the national government. He visited the United States in 1864, and later was for a time honorary Professor of English and Constitutional History at Cornell University. In 1871 he settled in Toronto, Canada. He is widely known as an exponent of the idea that Canada will finally unite her political life with that of the United States. His publications include Does the Bible sanction American slavery? on the morality of the emancipation proclamation; A letter to a Whig member of the Southern Independence Association; England and America; The Civil War in America; The relations between England and America; The political destiny of Canada; William Lloyd garrison; History of the United States, etc.
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Todd, Marion 1881- (search)
Todd, Marion 1881- Lawyer; born in Plymouth, N. Y.; educated in Eaton Rapids schools and at Ypsilanti Normal School, in Michigan; admitted to the bar of the Supreme Court of California in 1881; and practised there for several years. She wrote Prof. Goldwin Smith and his satellites in Congress; Protective tariff delusion; Pizarro and John Sherman; and Railroads of Europe and America.
John Jay Chapman, William Lloyd Garrison, Chapter 10: foreign influence: summary (search)
d us. It was due to their fortitude that Great Britain did not openly recognize the Confederacy. Had the masses of England sustained the official classes in regard to the American question, some sort of intervention by England in American affairs would in all probability have followed. The Englishmen whose influence educated and sustained the working classes upon this whole matter were John Stuart Mill, John Bright, Richard Cobden, Lord Houghton, William E. Forster, George Thompson, Goldwin Smith, Justin Mc-Carthy, Thomas Hughes, Herbert Spencer, Professor J. E. Cairnes--as well as the Gurneys, Buxtons, Webbs, and Clarksons of the previous generation: that is to say they were the heart and conscience of England of which Garrison had found himself to be a part in the early days, and by which the whole Anti-slavery movement had been comprehendingly followed during thirty years. The lower classes in England saw that the battle raging in America was their own battle, and that upon th
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