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Charles E. Stowe, Harriet Beecher Stowe compiled from her letters and journals by her son Charles Edward Stowe 20 0 Browse Search
Mary Thacher Higginson, Thomas Wentworth Higginson: the story of his life 18 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 18 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: December 23, 1865., [Electronic resource] 18 4 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 14 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 14 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Cheerful Yesterdays 14 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson 14 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 14 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 14 4 Browse Search
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Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3., Chapter 22: prisoners.-benevolent operations during the War.--readjustment of National affairs.--conclusion. (search)
l treatment of Union prisoners, of whatever grade or hue. But in this, as in the matter of exchange, Humanity took precedence of Policy, and the National Executive and legislature were governed by the ethics involved in the following words of Charles Sumner, who opposed the measure, in the Senate: I believe that this body will not undertake, in this age of Christian light, under any inducement, under any provocation, to counsel the Executive Government to enter into any such competition with barll, Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Conness, Corbett, Cragin, Drake, Edmunds, Ferry, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill of Vermont, Morrill of Maine, Morton, Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, Wade, Willey, Williams, Wilson and Yates. These were all Republicans. For Acquittal--Messrs. Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Fowler, Grimes, Henderson, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery, Norton, Patterson of
of, 1.389; arsenal at burnt by Lieutenant Jones, 1.391; occupation of by insurgent troops, 1.519; capture and abandonment of, 2.138; occupation of by Gen. Banks, 2.368; surrender of by Col. Miles to a force under Jackson, 2.473; reoccupied by Gen. Sumner, 2.483; garrison of withdrawn to Maryland Heights, 3.51; reoccupation of by Gen. French, 3.75. Harris, Gov. I. G., disloyal action of in Tennessee, 1.199; flight of from Nashville, 2.231. Harrisburg, Gen. Banks at, 2.390; approach of Con Junction, 2.454; his incursion to Chambersburg, 2.484; escape of from a perilous position, 3.104; death of, 3.312. Sturgis, Gen. S. D., at the battle of Wilson's Creek, 2.53; defeat of near Gun Town, 3.247. Suffolk, siege of, 3.41-3.44. Sumner, Gen., at the battle near Fair Oaks Station, it 412; at the battle of Fredericksburg, 2.492. Sumter, Confederate cruiser, career of, 2.568. Susquehanna River, bridge over at Wrightsville and Columbia burned, 3.54. Sweden's Cove, skirmish at
s infallible as he would have you believe; nor does the fact that Mr. Train writes for the newspapers prove that he is a statesman, for men who are forever writing to the newspapers are always in danger of bringing up in a mad-house. If Mr. Train could only for a moment comprehend how infinitely silly his productions appear to sensible men, he would we think be mortified into something like reason, and would write no more letters like this absurd one now before us, which is addressed to Charles Sumner and others, and which begins fiercely:--Conspirators! As a general rule we suspect that a man who writes confirmed slip-slop, and is never easy unless he is gyrating absurdly through all the gymnastics of rhetoric is hardly a safe person to call to the rescue of an empire. It may be prudently assumed that a Senator of the United States is in no need of Mr. George Francis Train's instruction, and is quite above his reprehension-and for that matter, of his comprehension also. Mr. Trai
use an Incendiary paragraph bully Brooks and colored Contentment dare South Carolina secede? the consequences of Secession punishment at the Sugar House Charles Sumner's Namesake story of a slave how he knowed his parents like a book the captured negro's conduct slaves willing to fight raised and growed Paddling the bonstituents of the assassin Brooks —— fit men to celebrate his memory and to revile, with worse than fiendish glee, the sufferings of his pure-hearted victim, Charles Sumner! *I never spoke to any poor whites of this State, in order to learn their feelings towards slavery and slaveholders. Yet it may be interesting to the frie, as an indication of sentiment, that there is a native-born child of South Carolina parents, who reside in the capital, named after our torch-tongued orator, Charles Sumner. Story of a slave. The concluding portion of the narrative that I sub join, related to me by a slave, whose answers I took down in short hand as he utt
p my mind to leave. . . . . ‘Spect I better not tell de way I comed: for dar's lots more b<*> comina same way I did. V. Scenes in a slave prison. Dr. S. G. Howe Extract from a private letter from Dr. S. G. Howe, of Boston, to Senator Charles Sumner, describing a visit to the prison of New Orleans, and published by permission of the writer, [From a private letter to Charles Sumner, by Dr. S. G. Howe, of Boston.] I have passed ten days in New Orleans — not unprofitably, I trust Charles Sumner, by Dr. S. G. Howe, of Boston.] I have passed ten days in New Orleans — not unprofitably, I trust — in examining the public institutions, the schools, asylums, hospitals, prisons, etc. With the exception of the first, there is little hope of amelioration. I know not how much merit there may be in their system, but I do know that in the administration of the penal code, there are abominations which should bring down the fate of Sodom upon the city. A man suspected of a crime and awaiting his trial, is thrust into a pandemonium filled with convicts and outlaws, where, herding and sleeping
butors, and disbursed the treasury of desolation and civil war as the exigencies of their guerilla forces and armies required. This firm has made millions by the government contracts. For a specimen of the manner in which they have been rewarded, I refer you to the last report of the Secretary of the Treasury, from which you will see that they have been paid at the rate of $187 per barrel for transporting each and every barrel of flour forwarded to the army at Utah. If, then, as Charles Sumner says, he who is not for freedom in her hour of peril, is against her, be true, and be equally true of slavery, how will the South and her oligarchy ever be able to defray their indebtedness to the Democracy? and how, too, will New England and the North ever be able to square their accounts, even when the terrible day of reckoning does come? Iii. Slave-hunting in Kansas: fate of the Shannon guards. the most romantic passages of Kansas history have never yet been penned. I will r
a succeeds in creating and installing hers, before we succeed in creating and installing ours, then they will send over help to us from America, and will powerfully influence us for our good. Let us see, then, how we both of us stand at the present moment, and what advantages the one of us has which are wanting to the other. We in England have liberty and industry and the sense for conduct, and a splendid aristocracy which feels the need for beauty and manners, and a unique class, as Mr. Charles Sumner pointed out, of gentlemen, not of the landed class or of the nobility, but cultivated and refined. America has not our splendid aristocracy, but then this splendid aristocracy is materialized, and for helping the sense for beauty, or the sense for social life and manners, in the nation at large, it does nothing or next to nothing. So we must not hastily pronounce, with Mr. Hussey Vivian, that American civilization suffers by its absence. Indeed they are themselves developing, it is
Matthew Arnold, Civilization in the United States: First and Last Impressions of America., III: a word more about America. (search)
some most important respects, the Americans see, how straight they think. Yet Sir Lepel Griffin says that there is no country calling itself civilized where one would not rather live than in America, except Russia. In politics I do not much trust Sir Lepel Griffin. I hope that he administers in India some district where a profound insight into the being and working of institutions is not requisite. But, I suppose, of the tastes of himself and of that large class of Englishmen whom Mr. Charles Sumner has taught us to call the class of gentlemen, he is no untrustworthy reporter. And an Englishman of this class would rather live in France, Spain, Holland, Belgium, Germany, Italy, Switzerland, than in the United States, in spite of our community of race and speech with them! This means that, in the opinion of men of that class, the human problem, at least, is not well solved in the United States, whatever the political and social problem may be. And to the human problem in the Unite
canvass was — as we have seen — a temporary alienation of many Northern Democrats from their former devotion to Southern ideas and docility to Southern leadership. This alienation was further evinced in the coalitions formed the next summer between the Democratic and Free Soil parties of Vermont and Massachusetts, which in Vermont proved too weak to overcome the Whig ascendency, but in Massachusetts ultimately triumphed in the election of George S. Boutwell (Democrat), as Governor, and Charles Sumner (Free Soil), as Senator. In New York, a fusion was with difficulty effected (in 1849) of the parties which had in 1848 supported Van Buren and Cass respectively — the nominal basis of agreement being a resolve The last Convention of the Cass Democrats, or Hunkers, which was held at Syracuse in September, 1849, proposing a conciliatory course toward the Barnburners, as an overture towards a neutral basis of runion with them, adopted the following: Resolved, That we are opposed to t<
ly the same manner. Mr. Douglas called up his new bill for consideration next morning; when not only Messrs. Chase and Sumner, but Mr. Norris, of New Hampshire, Gen. Cass, and other Democrats, desired that time be given to consider the grave changr. Douglas, was debated at length, and ably, by Messrs. Douglas and several others in favor and by Messrs. Chase, Seward, Sumner, Wade, and others, in opposition. But the disparity in numbers between its supporters and its opponents was too great — he measure was most decisively voted down; the Yeas and Nays being as follows: Yeas — Fessenden and Hamlin, of Maine; Sumner, of Massachusetts; Foot, of Vermont; Smith, of Connecticut; Fish and Seward, of New York; Chase and Wade, of Ohio; Dodge as Legislature,--which was rejected; Yeas 10; Messrs. Chase, Fessenden, Foot, Hamlin, Norris, Seward, Shields, Smith, Sumner, Wade--10. Nays 30. So far, the bill had been acted on as in Committee of the Whole. On coming out of Committee, Mr.
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