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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 932 0 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 544 0 Browse Search
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation 208 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 116 0 Browse Search
Col. J. J. Dickison, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 11.2, Florida (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 98 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 8. (ed. Frank Moore) 96 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 94 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 86 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 84 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 78 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Florida (Florida, United States) or search for Florida (Florida, United States) in all documents.

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m their debts and their miseries by becoming members of the new colony. The spectacle of men, no wiser nor better than themselves, living idly and luxuriously, just across the Savannah river, on the fruits of constrained and unpaid negro labor, doubtless inflamed their discontent and their hostility. As if to add to the governor's troubles, war between Spain and England broke out in 1739, and Georgia, as the frontier colony, contiguous to the far older and stronger Spanish settlement of East Florida, was peculiarly exposed to its ravages. Oglethorpe, at the head of the South Carolina and Georgia militia, made an attempt on Saint Augustine, which miscarried ; and this, in 1742, was retaliated by a much stronger Spanish expedition, which took Fort St. Simon, on the Altamaha, and might easily have subdued the whole colony, but it was alarmed and repelled by a stratagem of his conception. Oglethorpe soon after returned to England; the trustees finally surrendered their charter to the C
es they had so recklessly encountered. It does not appear that any of them, nor even De Soto himself, had formed any adequate conception of the importance of their discovery, of the magnitude of the river, or of the extent and fertility of the regions drained by its tributaries; since more than a century was allowed to transpire before the Mississippi was revisited by civilized men. And its next discoverers were not Spaniards, but Frenchmen ; although Spain had long possessed and colonized Florida and Mexico on either side of its mouth. But the French--now firmly established in Canada, and penetrating by their traders and voyageurs the wild region stretching westward and south-westward from that Colony — obtained from the savages some account of this river about the year 1660; and in 1673, Marquette and Joliet, proceeding westward from Montreal, through the Great Lakes, reached the Mississippi above its junction with the Missouri, and descended it to within three days journey of its
es with Spain were settled by treaty, whereby Florida was ceded by her to this country, and the Sabentirely so urgent, led to the acquisition of Florida. Now, no such necessity, no such policy, rentirely different from that of Louisiana and Florida. There being no necessity for extending the igations. * * * Having acquired Louisiana and Florida, we have an interest and a frontier on the Gu: True, if Iowa be added on the one side, Florida will be added on the other. But there the eqosed the treaty of 1819, with Spain, by which Florida was acquired, and the Sabine recognized as ou We can no more do that than Spain can resume Florida, France Louisiana, or Great Britain the thirtbe formed. The acquisitions of Louisiana and Florida may be defended upon the peculiar ground of tBritish liberty. Our repeated invasions of Florida, while a Spanish colony, our purchase of thatrote to Gen. Gaines with respect to a fort in Florida, then a Spanish possession: If the fort h
f giving an order to that effect, hoping that Gen. Taylor would take a hint, as Gen. Jackson was accustomed to do in his Florida operations, and do what was desired in such manner as would enable the Government to disavow him, and evade the responsigia, from which States they were cut off. Louisiana (including Missouri) had come to us slaveholding from France; so had Florida from Spain; while Texas had been colonized and revolutionized mainly by Southerners, who imprinted on her their darling such strong meat, and this resolve was rejected: Nays 216; Yeas 36--South Carolina 9; Alabama 9; Georgia 9; Arkansas 3; Florida 3; Maryland 1; Kentucky 1; Tennessee 1. The Whig National Convention assembled in Philadelphia, June 7th. Gen. Zachard not with safety be postponed. It was only objectionable in that it provided (as was done in the case of Louisiana and Florida) that the social conditions which had existed prior to our acquisition should remain unchanged until Congress, or the Pe
d Mason, of Virginia; Pratt, of Maryland; Badger, of North Carolina; Butler and Evans, of South Carolina; Dawson, of Georgia; Fitzpatrick and C. C. Clay, of Alabama; Adams and Brown, of Mississippi; Benjamin and Slidell, of Louisiana; Morton, of Florida; Houston and Rusk, of Texas; Dixon, of Kentucky; Bell and Jones, of Tennessee; Atchison, of Missouri; Sebastian and Johnson, of Arkansas; Gwin and Weller, of California--36. So the Senate decisively voted that the people of the new Territorit. They bristled with weapons from the United States Armory, then in charge of the Federal officers in Kansas. Nearly all the pro-Slavery leaders then in Kansas, or hovering along the Missouri border, were on hand; among them, Col. Titus, from Florida, Col. Wilkes, from South Carolina, Gen. String-fellow, a Virginian, Col. Boone, hailing from Westport, and many others of local and temporary fame. The entire force was about 800 strong, having possession of Mount Oread, a hill which commanded
ition. It assumes that the Senate would inevitably refuse its assent to the treaty proposed, and adds: its certain rejection by that body would leave the question of Cuba in a more unsettled position than it is now. It doubts the constitutional power to impose a permanent disability on the American Government for all coming time. It parades, with significant emphasis, the repeated and important acquisitions of territory by our Government, through the purchase of Louisiana in 1803, and of Florida in 1819, as also through the annexation of Texas; as to which, Mr. Everett--overdoing his part, as is natural in a Federalist turned fillibuster — volunteers the wholly gratuitous assertion that there never was an extension of territory more naturally or justifiably made. Ignoring the fact that Great Britain las still possessions in this hemisphere nearly, if not quite, equal in extent to those of our own country, and that her important island of Jamaica is quite as near to Cuba as is any
vis, of Mississippi, Benjamin and Slidell, of Louisiana, Mallory and Yulee, of Florida, Hemphill and Wigfall, of Texas, Crittenden and Powell, of Kentucky, A. Johnso2; Pennsylvania, 10 1/2 ; Maryland, 2 1/2; Virginia, 2 1/2; South Carolina, 8; Florida, 3; Alabama, 9; Louisiana, 6; Mississippi, 7; Texas, 4; Arkansas, 4; Missouri,land, 4 1/2; Virginia, 14; North Carolina, 10; South Carolina, 8; Georgia, 10; Florida, 3; Alabama, 9; Louisiana, 6; Mississippi, 7; Texas, 4; Arkansas, 4; Missouri.reby respectfully announce their withdrawal therefrom. Mr. John Milton, of Florida, next announced the unanimous withdrawal of the delegation from that State, in which was read by Mr. Eppes, whereof the essential portion is as follows: Florida, with her Southern sisters, is entitled to a clear and unambiguous recognition bought in Maryland, some that I bought in Virginia, some in Delaware, some in Florida, some in North Carolina; and I will also show you the pure African, the nobles
on Ordinance of Secession immediately and unanimously passed Georgia follows — so do Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas Arkansas, North Carolina, Virginia, Missouri, Tennessee, Ke17 58,372 Arkansas (no ticket) 5,227 28,732 20,094 Louisiana (no ticket) 7,625 22,681 20,204 Florida (no ticket) 367 8,543 5,437 Texas (no ticket) (no ticket) 47,548 This anti-Breckinridge vo kindred spirits were held simultaneously, or soon afterward, in Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, and probably other Slave States. By these meetings, and by the incessant interchange of messaan among the great plantations of the South, represented more freemen than did the majority. Florida, through her Legislature, voted December 1, 1860. to call a Convention. That Convention metAlabama529,164435,132964,296 Mississippi354,700436,696791,396 Louisiana376,280333,010709,290 Florida78,68661,753140,439 Texas Texas had seceded; but her delegates had not reached Montgomery wh
r, without an opportunity for discussion, leaving the proposed debate to stand adjourned over to the opening of the bombardment of Fort Sumter, in the year of grace 1861. Why can't you let Slavery alone? was imperiously or querulously demanded at the North, throughout the long struggle preceding that bombardment, by men who should have seen, but would not, that Slavery never let the North alone, nor thought of so doing. Buy Louisiana for us! said the slaveholders. With pleasure. Now Florida! Certainly. Next: Violate your treaties with the Creeks and Cherokees; expel those tribes from the lands they have held from time immemorial, so as to let us expand our plantations. So said, so done. Now for Texas! You have it. Next, a third more of Mexico! Yours it is. Now, break the Missouri Compact, and let Slavery wrestle with Free Labor for the vast region consecrated by that Compact to Freedom! Very good. What next? Buy us Cuba, for One Hundred to One Hundred and Fifty Mill
ing discontents among the Southern people, and the growing hostility among them to the Federal Government, are greatly to be regretted; and that any reasonable, proper, and constitutional remedies, necessary to preserve the peace of the country and the perpetuation of the Union, should be promptly and cheerfully granted. Twenty-two votes were cast for this proposition, including those of all the members from Slave States who voted. Two (Messrs. Boyce, of South Carolina, and Hawkins, of Florida) were absent. Mr. Jefferson Davis was present, but did not vote. The Nays (eight) were all Republicans. On motion of Mr. Garnett B. Adrain (Douglas Democrat) of New Jersey, the House, December 17th. by 151 Yeas to 14: Nays: Resolved, That we deprecate the spirit of disobedience to the Constitution, wherever manifested; and that we earnestly recommend the repeal of all statutes by the State Legislatures in conflict with, and in violation of, that sacred instrument, and the laws o
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