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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
n sharing the burden. 1 Ante, vol. II. p. 328. Sumner's Orations and Speeches, in two volumes, were published in November, 1850, by Messrs. W. D. Ticknor and Co., The publication was talked over with Longfellow a year before. Longfellow's Life, vol. II. p. 136. These volumes did not include his lecture on The Employment of Time. A third volume, entitled Recent Speeches and Addresses, was published in 1856, a second edition of which contained Sumner's speech on The Crime against Kansas. and were going through the press during the spring and summer of that year. He made very many changes and corrections, not only of the orations and speeches as originally printed separately, but in the different proofs. The changes in the proofs, even in the third, were so many that the publishers wrote him that they could not endure the expense, and that he must submit his copy complete in the first instance; his erasures, additions, and transfers were carrying the cost of printing to te
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
Neither dreamed that their opportunity was to come in the further advance which the slave-power was to attempt a twelvemonth hence. F. W. Bird, with an insight beyond that of others, wrote as the year was closing that while Free Soilers had been devoting all their strength to the Fugitive Slave law, which he thought practically dead, the enemy had been pushing its plans of propagandism, and that the extension of slavery was the impending issue. He only erred in pointing to Cuba instead of Kansas. A public dinner was given in Boston, May 5, 1853, to John P. Hale, the candidate of the Free Soilers for President at the last election; and fifteen hundred plates were laid in the hall of the Fitchburg Railroad station. Cassius M. Clay came from Kentucky, and John Jay from New York; and there was an abundant flow of eloquence from the antislavery orators of the State,—Palfrey the president, Sumner, Adams, Mann, Wilson, Burlingame, Dana, Keyes, Leavitt, Pierpont, and Garrison. On the
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
revealed for the extension of slavery into the vast territory now comprising the great States of Kansas and Nebraska, and rival. ling in extent Spain, France, and Italy combined. The country, North ndifference of the North, a week later reported a new bill, which created the two territories of Kansas and Nebraska, and declared the prohibition inoperative, for the reason that it had been supersedpressing regret at the passage in which he had given his opinion that slavery could not exist in Kansas. This congratulation, which rather exceeded the occasion, was prompted by Sumner's desire to saroved the opening of a controversy which was shortly to rage in Congress and in bloody strife in Kansas. Sumner intended to speak again on the bill, but was dissuaded by Seward, whose influence witured. Closing, he said:— Thus, sir, standing at the very grave of freedom in Nebraska and Kansas, I lift myself to the vision of that happy resurrection by which freedom will be assured, not on
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. (search)
s published in full in the Boston Telegraph, November 3. the parts omitted in the Works are largely a repetition of matter contained in former speeches. Dana wrote in his diary, November 4: Sumner made a noble speech at Faneuil Hall, Friday night, before a crowded assembly, at which I presided. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. i. p. 348. which occupied two hours and a quarter in the delivery, with a treatment of the issues growing out of the slavery question, including recent outrages in Kansas, and then discussed the relations of parties, insisting upon the necessity of a political organization (tile Republican party) based only upon opposition to slavery. The stress of his argument was on this point. At the same time he took occasion to reject the irrational methods of the Know Nothings,—those of secrecy,— and to condemn the religious and class prejudices against foreignborn citizens, out of which the order had sprung. His tribute to distinguished persons who have served other
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
would have been hopeless, at once pushed into Kansas and took possession of the best tracts, most oings look well,—never so well. I am sure that Kansas will be a free State. I am sure that we are gtts,—declaring that in assisting emigration to Kansas it had done only what was lawful and right, bog pervaded the free States. Fresh violence in Kansas had carried to an intense heat the indignatione that violence and bloodshed were imminent in Kansas. Before the day closed, intelligence came thafanatical; and resistance to the usurpation of Kansas he denounces as an uncalculating fanaticism. t requiring submission to the usurped power of Kansas; and this was accompanied by a manner, all his than it has already gained by the example of Kansas in that valiant struggle against oppression, already deeply moved by pro-slavery violence in Kansas. Side by side with the latest tidings from thrsal. The slavery question and the contest in Kansas had become the vital issue in the public mind.[63 more...]<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 41: search for health.—journey to Europe.—continued disability.—1857-1858. (search)
almost the only Man in this condition. . . . I tremble for Kansas, which seems to me a doomed Territory. How disgusting seeing Dec. 7, 1857, was occupied with a debate on slavery in Kansas, from the beginning of the session to the end of the next hat by the decision of the Supreme Court slavery exists in Kansas by virtue of the Constitution of the United States, and that Kansas is therefore at this moment as much a slave State as Georgia or South Carolina. Douglas promptly, at the beginning of the session, took ground against the admission of Kansas under that constitution thus forced on the people, maintaining force this constitution down the throats of the people of Kansas, in opposition to their wishes and our pledges? He drew te summons of his colleague to vote on questions concerning Kansas, and leaving as soon as a vote was reached. When absent fhe usurpations and atrocities in order to plant slavery in Kansas have all received his sanction. Indeed, I doubt if histor
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
in the Dred Scott case, the sanctity of slavery in the national territory, beyond the power of the inhabitants as well as of Congress to exclude and prohibit it; Kansas, after alternating seasons of disturbance and peace, had been finally rescued by her Free State settlers, who, predominating largely in numbers and waiving their rials for his speech soon after the holidays, and gave it the title of The Barbarism of Slavery. Works, vol. v. pp. 1-174. The House bill for the admission of Kansas, with a constitution prohibiting slavery, which had been framed by a territorial convention and ratified by the people, was pending in the Senate, where its defeaut antislavery convictions were likely to act with the Republicans in the election at hand. Some journals professed to fear that it would hinder the admission of Kansas as a free State, New York Times, June 6; New York Tribune, June 5; New York Evening Post, June 5. This last journal qualified its criticism two days after, an