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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 370 0 Browse Search
William F. Fox, Lt. Col. U. S. V., Regimental Losses in the American Civil War, 1861-1865: A Treatise on the extent and nature of the mortuary losses in the Union regiments, with full and exhaustive statistics compiled from the official records on file in the state military bureaus and at Washington 46 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 46 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 30 0 Browse Search
L. P. Brockett, Women's work in the civil war: a record of heroism, patriotism and patience 26 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 10. (ed. Frank Moore) 26 0 Browse Search
Mrs. John A. Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier's Wife: An Autobiography 22 0 Browse Search
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 8: Soldier Life and Secret Service. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller) 22 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 22 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 20 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for Wisconsin (Wisconsin, United States) or search for Wisconsin (Wisconsin, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 10 results in 8 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
r's course at this time; but the antislavery men of Massachusetts were as a body against compromise. He used no persuasions with them, and seemed indifferent as to their action. In the committee of Thirty-three, two members alone—Washburn of Wisconsin and Tappan of New Hampshire—stood firmly against all compromise. Five however—Washburn, Tappan, Morrill, Kellogg, and Robinson—were against the admission of New Mexico as a slave State. Of the different reports, Wilson says in his History: With the exception of the report signed by Washburn of Wisconsin and Tappan of New Hampshire, which alone had the true ring of freedom and fealty to human rights, each of the eight reports was apologetic and deprecatory in tone,—conceding much, sacrificing Northern self-respect, and ignoring as if they did not exist all claims of justice and humanity. Vol. III. p. 31. None of the House measures were considered in the Senate except the constitutional amendment, somewhat changed from the form
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
apart for eulogies on Douglas, in which Trumbull and Collamer took part. Sumner, though inclined to pay tributes to deceased associates, remained silent. The committee on foreign relations consisted of Sumner (chairman), Collamer, Doolittle of Wisconsin, Wilmot, Browning of Illinois, Polk of Missouri, and Breckinridge. Sumner's frequent motions for executive sessions showed that the committee was busy with its appropriate work. There was a general disposition to limit the action of Congress er he took ground against placing in the Capitol any picture of a victory in battle with our own fellow-citizens. Feb. 27, 1865. Works, vol. IX. pp. 333-335. This, too, encountered the opposition of his colleague as well as that of Howe of Wisconsin, but his action was approved by General Robert Anderson; and again, as before, military authority was with him, and not with his civilian critics. In harmony with his action on these points was his treatment of the question of retaliation, to
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
a half columns in the New York Tribune. A large edition was at once issued by the association before which Sumner spoke. The Address drew forth approval from the journals of the country, nearly always unqualified. Mr. Greeley made it the subject of a contribution to the Independent of New York. It called out grateful and enthusiastic expressions in numerous letters from citizens and public men, including Seward, Chase, Corwin, Cameron, and Senators Anthony and Howe; Senator Howe of Wisconsin wrote of it: Such conciseness of statement, such fulness of research, such wealth of illustration, such iron logic, heated but unmalleable, I really do not think are to be found in any other oration, ancient or modern. . . . No single man has ever so grandly struggled against the barbaric tendencies of a frightfully debauched generation. I cannot certainly foresee the future; you may be worsted in this encounter, but I know the world will be better for it. The author of the letter did no
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
hrough a bequest of George Bemis. is not on its way to a pedestal. It ought to be set up while the hero yet continues among us. . . . Shortly before leaving home I walked through the grounds of the old house Judge Story's. in Cambridge where I enjoyed so much. It was marked To let. The past all came back, and I was filled with a pleasing melancholy. Longfellow was with me, and we talked of your father and of you. . . . You have now another minister at Rome, General Rufus King, of Wisconsin, 1814-1876.—a pleasing gentleman, with whom I think you will mingle more cordially than with any other on the list. I counselled against any minister in Rome; For the sake of Italian unity, Sumner wished to have diplomatic relations with the Vatican discontinued, and on that view, at a later date, had the appropriation for the mission omitted. but if one was to be appointed I declared you to be able to do us the most good. But Massachusetts has already more than her quota according to
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
ns saw in it the speedy regeneration of the South. Wilson approved it with his heart, his conscience, and his judgment, and was ready to go to the scaffold joyfully in order to put it into the Constitution! Many who would gladly have gone further were deterred by the fear that a prohibition of race discrimination in suffrage would fail in the Northern States, in the larger number of which the negro was still excluded from the elective franchise by stubborn prejudice—as in Connecticut and Wisconsin, where the exclusion had recently been reaffirmed. Sumner had no sympathy, or even patience, with the proposed amendment so far as it concerned representation, regarding it as another compromise with human rights, and, in the form in which it was first submitted to the Senate, as an express recognition of the right of the State to make an unrepublican discrimination on account of race or color, hitherto kept out of the Constitution; The partisans of the amendment claimed that it was
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
p. 331-335; April 5, Ibid., pp. 353-369; April 19, Congressional Globe, p. 2828. A few of the Republican senators (Trumbull, Stewart, and M. H. Carpenter) did not recognize the propriety of the fundamental conditions, Ante, pp. 284-287, 309-311. or the competency of Congress to impose them. At different stages of the discussion there were collisions between the three senators and Sumner. April 18, Congressional Globe, pp. 2746-2753. Carpenter was a new senator, succeeding Doolittle of Wisconsin. Carpenter, by letter (July 29, 1868), applied to Sumner to write a letter, intended for publication, in favor of his candidacy for senator, and added the assurance: I am aware this is asking a great favor; but if you will grant it, I pledge myself that whenever you shall say to me that I have disappointed your expectations or falsified your friendly predictions, I will resign. Sumner declined to write the letter, thinking such interference improper. Carpenter professed to be quite sa
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
the unhappy relation between Fish and Sumner did not arise till sometime after those words saw the light. He mentioned, too, that in spite of the insult the senator had still expressed his readiness to confer freely with the secretary on public business,—a statement which Howe did not contest. Wilson earnestly protested against the removal, ascribing it wholly to the San Domingo controversy. He said:— Sir, the truth is, and everybody knows it, and it is useless for the senator from Wisconsin, or any other senator, to deny it, that this proposition to remove my colleague grows out of the San Domingo question. If there never had been an effort to annex San Domingo, we should have had no attempt to change the chairmanship of the committee on foreign relations, or to remove members from that committee . . . The people of the country, say what you may about it, will come to the conclusion that at the bottom of it all lies this San Domingo annexation question. He denied that it
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
senator's extreme insolence. The next day Schurz and Conkling had another encounter, in which the former described the latter's manner in language recalling a similar description of the New York senator by Mr. Blaine some years before in the House. Ante, pp. 348-350. After this the two senators did not speak to each other. Schurz on a later day repelled Carpenter's charge that it is unpatriotic to expose a breach of neutrality on the part of the Administration, saying, The senator from Wisconsin cannot frighten me by exclaiming, My country, right or wrong! In one sense I say so too. My country,—and my country is the great American Republic, —my country, right or wrong: if right to be kept right, and if wrong to be set right! Harper's Weekly, April 20, 1872, took exception to Carpenter's standards of patriotism. a retort which drew applause from the galleries. Sumner made his principal speech February 28, in which he was more effective than when he opened the debate. Work