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Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 1,756 1,640 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 979 67 Browse Search
Elias Nason, McClellan's Own Story: the war for the union, the soldiers who fought it, the civilians who directed it, and his relations to them. 963 5 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 742 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 694 24 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 457 395 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 449 3 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 427 7 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 1, Mass. officers and men who died. 420 416 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: Volume 2. 410 4 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History. You can also browse the collection for Washington (United States) or search for Washington (United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 150 results in 29 document sections:

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bus in the city of magnificent distances, as Washington was nicknamed. Add to this that the principngle term in the House of Representatives at Washington added practically nothing to his reputation.ation, speaking a few times in Maryland near Washington, several times in Massachusetts, and canvasss and members of Congress, when they came to Washington, to bring their family servants where the loand of Mr. Seaton, the conservative mayor of Washington, and on the other hand of Mr. Giddings, the guration, and he appears to have remained in Washington but a few days thereafter. Before leaving, ations. It was nearly a month after he left Washington before he sent his decision to the several departments at Washington. The letter quoted below, relating to one of these appointments, is in subhis removal. If Mr. Lincoln's presence in Washington during two sessions in Congress did not add nous drudgery of an administrative bureau at Washington. It is probable that this defeat also enabl
and throes and convulsions must ceaselessly follow. Repeal the Missouri Compromise, repeal all compromises, repeal the Declaration of Independence, repeal all past history, you still cannot repeal human nature. It still will be the abundance of man's heart that slavery extension is wrong, and out of the abundance of his heart his mouth will continue to speak. With argument as impetuous, and logic as inexorable, he disposes of Douglas's plea of popular sovereignty: Here, or at Washington, I would not trouble myself with the oyster laws of Virginia, or the cranberry laws of Indiana. The doctrine of self-government is right-absolutely and eternally right-but it has no just application as here attempted. Or perhaps I should rather say, that whether it has such application depends upon whether a negro is not or is a man. If he is not a man, in that case, he who is a man may, as a matter of self-government, do just what he pleases with him. But if the negro is a man, is it no
d it down in practice. The disaster overtook him, too, at a critical moment. His senatorial term was about to expire; the next Illinois legislature would elect his successor. The prospect was none too bright for him, for at the late presidential election Illinois had chosen Republican State officers. He was compelled either to break his pledges to the Democratic voters of Illinois, or to lead a revolt against President Buchanan and the Democratic leaders in Congress. Party disgrace at Washington, or popular disgrace in Illinois, were the alternatives before him. To lose his reelection to the Senate would almost certainly end his public career. When, therefore, Congress met in December, 1857, Douglas boldly attacked and denounced the Lecompton Constitution, even before the President had recommended it in his special message. Stand by the doctrine, he said, that leaves the people perfectly free to form and regulate their institutions for themselves, in their own way, and your p
come. Lincoln's speech excited the greatest interest everywhere throughout the free States. The grave peril he so clearly pointed out came home to the people of the North almost with the force of a revelation; and thereafter their eyes were fixed upon the Illinois senatorial campaign with undivided attention. Another incident also drew to it the equal notice and interest of the politicians of the slave States. Within a month from the date of Lincoln's speech, Douglas returned from Washington and began his campaign of active speech-making in Illinois. The fame he had acquired as the champion of the Nebraska Bill, and, more recently, the prominence into which his opposition to the Lecompton fraud had lifted him in Congress, attracted immense crowds to his meetings, and for a few days it seemed as if the mere contagion of popular enthusiasm would submerge all intelligent political discussion. To counteract this, Mr. Lincoln, at the advice of his leading friends, sent him a lett
vances wherewith we are so industriously plied and belabored, contrivances such as groping for some middle ground between the right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who should be neither a living man nor a dead man; such as a policy of don't care, on a question about which all true men do care; such as Union appeals beseeching true Union men to yield to disunionists; reversing the divine rule, and calling, not the sinners, but the righteous to repentance; such as invocations to Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington said, and undo what Washington did. Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the government nor of dungeons to ourselves. Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it. The close attention bestowed on its delivery, the hearty applause that greeted its telling points, and the enthusiastic c
Lincoln's farewell address the journey to Washington Lincoln's midnight journey During the lht watch the development of public events at Washington and in the cotton States; whatever appeals m. A peace convention met and deliberated at Washington, with no practical result, except to waste tments, Mr. Lincoln started on his journey to Washington on February I, 1861, on a special train, accefore me greater than that which rested upon Washington. Without the assistance of that Divine Beinication from his father and General Scott at Washington. About the beginning of the year serious apy of War, Mr. Holt, to call General Scott to Washington and charge him with the safety of the city, is purpose General Scott had concentrated at Washington a few companies from the regular army, and a of his suite, who advised him to proceed to Washington that same evening on the eleven-o'clock traiy, since the telegraph had definitely announced that the President-elect was already in Washington. [4 more...]
ession movement South Carolina secession Buchanan's neglect disloyal cabinet members Washington central cabal Anderson's transfer to Sumter Star of the West Montgomery rebellion Davnd purpose of non-action, a central cabal of Southern senators and representatives issued from Washington, on December 14, their public proclamation of the duty of secession; their executive committeeed States. The surprised and baffled rage of the South Carolina rebels created a crisis at Washington that resulted in the expulsion of the President's treacherous counselors and the reconstructioer revolted States; and while Mr. Lincoln was making his memorable journey from Springfield to Washington, telegrams were printed in the newspapers, from day to day, showing that their delegates had mphilosophical, and moral truth. In the week which elapsed between Mr. Lincoln's arrival in Washington and the day of inauguration, he exchanged the customary visits of ceremony with President Buch
governors- Maryland and Virginia the Baltimore riot Washington isolated Lincoln takes the responsibility Robert E. gnobly to perish. On his journey from Springfield to Washington Mr. Lincoln had said that, devoted as he was to peace, hough that city on the morning of April 19, on its way to Washington, the last four of its companies were assailed by street lly threatening incidents were occurring to the south of Washington. The State of Virginia had been for many weeks balancin Unwelcome as was the thought of a possible capture of Washington city, President Lincoln's mind was much more disturbed by mral Scott had placed special reliance for the defense of Washington came to the President at the White House to asseverate aore the end of May float over the dome of the Capitol at Washington. The disloyal demonstrations in Maryland and Virginia ropportune arrival of the Seventh Regiment of New York in Washington, on April 25, rendered that city entirely safe against s
troops. The largest part of the three months regiments were ordered to Washington city as the most important position in a political, and most exposed in a militentration, from concentration to skirmish and battle. It was not long before Washington was a military camp. Gradually the hesitation to invade the sacred soil of of the equally sacred soil of the North; and on May 24 the Union regiments in Washington crossed the Potomac and planted themselves in a great semicircle of formidabln of force developed itself at Harper's Ferry, forty-nine miles northwest of Washington. When, on April 20, a Union detachment had burned and abandoned the armory aly toward the Potomac. The distance was about thirty-two miles southwest of Washington. Another Confederate force of about ten thousand, under General J. E. Johnsnew Union plan contemplated that Brigadier-General McDowell should march from Washington against Manassas and Bull Run, with a force sufficient to beat Beauregard, wh
McDowell Bull Run Patterson's failure McClellan at Washington While these preparations for a Virginia campaign wered sharpened the eager expectation of the authorities at Washington of similar results from the projected Virginia campaign.July 16, he began his advance from the fortifications of Washington, with a marching column of about twenty-eight thousand mp to late Sunday afternoon favorable reports had come to Washington from the battle-field, and every one believed in an assuomparatively orderly march back to the fortifications of Washington, while on the following day a horde of stragglers found ile, General McClellan was ordered from West Virginia to Washington, where he arrived on July 26, and assumed command of thesion of the Potomac, comprising the troops in and around Washington, on both sides of the river. He quickly cleared the citom the new three years volunteers that were pouring into Washington by every train. He was received by the administration a
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